Robert Evan Lee

        The Stokely family has a long and illustrious history in east Tennessee and beyond. The Welshman John Jehu Stokely, the patriarch of the branch of the Stokely family that settled in east Tennessee, came to that region in the 1790s at around the time that Cocke County was created. One of the region's pioneers, he arrived in the eastern part of the county near Del Rio from central North Carolina with a Revolutionary War soldier's grant of land and later expanded those holdings to include hundreds of acres of prime farmland along the French Broad River and south along the banks of Big Creek.

        Stokely, while still in Wales, had been hauled into court by the British for a minor offense and sentenced to serve seven years aboard a British sailing vessel as punishment. He eventually reached the American colonies, arriving through Charleston, SC, and, nursing a serious grudge against the British, acquitted himself admirably during our country's Revolutionary War, serving with the North Carolina Militia, then under John Paul Jones' command when Jones captained the Bon Homme Richard and defeated the British vessel Serapis in September of 1779, and, according to some reports, as an artilleryman.

        Members of the Stokely family can be found throughout the country and in all walks of life today. Old Jehu's widely scattered descendants include prominent doctors, ministers, lawmen, educators, political leaders, military officers, captains of industry, stars of the stage and screen, philanthropists, and yes, intelligence analysts. But most of all, the Stokely men and women were community leaders who took an active part in seeing to it that the wilderness they entered was cleared, that dwellings and forts were constructed, that schools and churches were established, and that the blessings of liberty were secured for themselves and their descendants.

        In the three-part article that follows, the reader may sample the history of the Stokely family in east Tennessee, including John Jehu Stokely's arrival in Cocke County from central North Carolina and his apparent service with the "Father of the American Navy," John Paul Jones. Additional material is included addressing the contributions of other family notables, including Grace Moore, Wilma Dykeman, and the founders of the Stokely canning enterprise.




amily sources tell us that there are at least five separate and distinct Stokely lines in America, and members of these five lines number in the thousands, but all of the Stokelys in east Tennessee or with roots in east Tennessee can very likely claim kinship with John Jehu Stokely, a Welshman and the first Stokely to arrive in that part of the country sometime in the 1790s. Old Jehu named his first son David Royal Stokely (1784-1842), and it is believed that just about all of the Stokelys in or from east Tennessee are descended directly from David Royal Stokely and his wife Jane (Jennie) Huff, who is reported to have survived being scalped by marauding Indians as a child. John Jehu, who fathered at least eight children before dying in about 1820 (some sources say he died in 1826), established his main home near Rocks Creek, some three miles up the French Broad River east of the little town of Del Rio in Cocke County in Tennessee and he's apparently buried on the old Burnett property about one-half mile south of the Wolf Creek bridge that spans the French Broad River.

        The family often refers to John Jehu as "Old Jehu" and we pronounce Jehu as JEE -hugh, with the emphasis on the first syllable. Although one can find Stokely's given name rendered sometimes as Jehu and other times as John, it's probable that the old gentleman's full name was John Jehu Stokely, and I base this on the appearance of the name “John” in connection with Jehu's presence aboard the American frigate Alliance in September/October 1779, the use of the name “John” again on land transfer documents in the aftermath of the Revolutionary War, and the naming of one “John” Stokely in the Revolutionary War pension applications of two men who were from Stokely's home county in North Carolina. Old Jehu also gave the name John Jehu Stokely, Jr. to his second son, which I think is pretty solid evidence that my fourth great-grandfather's full name was in fact John Jehu Stokely. There are many John Stokelys to be found on the branches of our family tree, and I'm convinced that the name “John” can be traced all the way back to Old John Jehu Stokely himself.

        The Universal Transverse Coordinates (UTM) for John Jehu's gravesite are UTM 17 323476E 3975480N. ( Special thanks and recognition go to my cousin Gordon Stokely, Jr., of Cincinnati who provided these coordinates .) I personally visited the gravesite in October of 2009 in the company of a local churchman who has spent years helping families locate old graveyards in the Del Rio area. To get to the gravesite, we drove up the Dry Fork Road past Harmony Grove (on State Route 107 some 3 miles south of Del Rio), turned north onto Odyssey Road (a small one-lane dirt road just a short distance past the Big Hill Cemetery, which is on property once owned by my maternal great-grandparents), drove for about a half-mile or less, parked the car, and then hiked generally northeast for a little more than a half-mile uphill through a dense forest, in the process criss-crossing a small stream known as Bee Creek.

        We eventually arrived at a spot in the woods that appeared to have been a clearing of some sort many years ago. Based on family stories and the topography of the area, this is probably the location of Old John Jehu's grave and possibly that of his wife Nancy Neil (or Neal or O'Neil), whom he married near Charleston, South Carolina, in 1780. Old Jehu's gravesite, which is located in what is now known as the Cherokee National Forest, consists of some moss-covered fieldstones with no inscriptions. Such graves were unmarked in the early 1800s because local Indian tribes would desecrate the graves if they found them. My Aunt Chattie Stokely Rainwater (1899-1981) – the daughter of my great-grandfather Americus Jehu Stokely (1867-1946) – passed by this site many times as a young girl in the company of her father, who would often point in the direction of the grave and say , “That's where Old Jehu is buried."

        Land records indicate that Old Jehu eventually held title to at least four plats of land along the French Broad River in addition to the one in which he is probably buried. One of those plats, number 2143, consists of 50 acres of land lying on the north side of the French Broad River. The land is upriver from Wolf Creek and is about half way between Buffalo Rock and Weaver Bend. A second plat, number 2144, describes some 50 acres of land on the south bank of the French Board. This section of land is about one and one-half miles south of the point where Wolf Creek empties into the French Broad River and it straddles Wolf Creek itself. Both of these parcels of land were surveyed in June of 1811.

        Old Jehu purchased two other parcels from John Waddell in 1802. These parcels are considerably larger than numbers 2143 and 2144 and encompass a portion of the little town of Del Rio itself and include land in the old 15 th District and up the Trail Fork of Big Creek almost to Harmony Grove. One of the plats, number 1162, consists of 200 acres and includes land in the old 15 th District. The second plat, number 181, encompasses some 603 acres. The northernmost end of this second plat begins on the south bank of the French Broad River at a point that includes the mouth of Big Creek; from there, the property is roughly laid out along the Trail Fork of Big Creek almost to Dry Fork. Included in plat number 181 is the land on which John Jehu's first son David Royal Stokely eventually built his home near the mouth of Big Creek in Del Rio. The hundreds of acres that my great-great-grandfather John H. Stokely (1810 - 1893) eventually gained title to ca. 1840 were probably adjacent to the plats owned by Old Jehu. Nathan Jones, in his book By the River and Beyond , tells us that the Stokelys at one time owned almost all of the land on the west side of Big Creek all the way from Del Rio to Midway, some 5 miles to the south.

        According to information in the bible belonging to David Royal Stokely, John Jehu Stokely (David Royal's father) was born in 1747 in Wales. We know too that Jehu arrived in the colonies in time to participate in the American Revolutionary War because there are war records indicating that one Jehue Stockley ( Stockley is the spelling used to this day in Wales) was paid for clothing lost at the Battle of Brier (or Briar, or Bryer) Creek in eastern Georgia in March of 1779. The applications for revolutionary war pensions filed separately by two men from Warren County, North Carolina, (where John Jehu Stokely lived before coming to east Tennessee) also say that John Stokely was captured along with these two men at the Battle of Brier Creek and then imprisoned.

        Old Jehu was eventually given a soldier's land grant of 228 acres for his service to the state of North Carolina during the Revolutionary War. The amount of land granted was normally based on rank and on the amount of time that the recipient had served in the Continental line (the army). Available records indicate that Jehu served two and one half years. It is assumed that the land that Jehu eventually took possession of in accordance with this grant lay in the Big Creek area of what is now Del Rio, Tennessee. One of John Jehu's great-grandsons, Jesse W. D. Stokely, says that Jehu served two enlistments in the Continental Army after first enlisting in what passed for an American Navy in those days. Although it is clear that Old Jehu served on the side of the colonialists during the Revolutionary War, the capacity in which he served and the dates of this service are less clear, as different sources give conflicting information.

        According to the family story passed down through the years, Jehu decided to settle in east Tennessee after being impressed by the skill and determination of the soldiers who were referred to as the “Over-Mountain Men” at the Battle of King's Mountain. ( Author's note: I also suspect that Old Jehu, if he visited east Tennessee before settling in the mountains there, discovered in the green valleys and rushing streams of eastern Cocke County a countryside that reminded him in many ways of his native Wales. Having found such a bucolic landscape that so closely resembled the land of his birth, it is easy to believe that Jehu would have quickly decided that the mountains of east Tennessee would be where he would settle. ) The Battle of King's Mountain, fought in October 1780 just west of Charlotte, North Carolina, was one of the key encounters in the south that helped signal the beginning of the end of the Revolutionary War. Over-Mountain Men was the name given to the force of more than 1,000 untrained militiamen from eastern Tennessee and southwest Virginia who, angered by warnings from British Col. Patrick Ferguson that they had best submit to British rule, marched to King's Mountain from eastern Tennessee and thoroughly decimated (some call it a massacre) Colonel Ferguson's force of Tories (Tories were Americans whose loyalties lay with the British). But even though one might infer from the family story that Old Jehu may actually have been at King's Mountain, I have found no official record to confirm that the Stokely patriarch was in fact one of the participants in the battle.

        A period of some 12-18 years apparently elapsed between the time of the Battle of Kings Mountain and Jehu Stokely's move to east Tennessee . But the birthplace for Jehu's daughter Nancy is given as Cocke County, Tennessee, in 1792, and Cocke County is also cited in some documents as the birthplace of Nancy's three younger sisters in 1794, 1797, and 1802. It is difficult to reconcile this bit of information with the fact that Cocke County wasn't officially established until late in 1797, so perhaps we can compromise and simply agree that the girls were all born in the part of east Tennessee that was to become Cocke County.

        John Jehu's residence of record apparently was in Warren County, North Carolina, until his move to Tennessee, which could have occurred as early as 1792 or as late as 1798. The census for 1790 shows that John Jehu was being carried as a resident of the Halifax District of Warren County at that time and that his family consisted of one male over 16 years of age (this would have been John Jehu himself), three males under 16 years of age (probably John Jehu's sons David Royal, John Jehu, Jr., and Thomas), two females (likely Nancy Neil and daughter Susan), and one slave.

        Earlier, one Jehue Stokely (sic) had appeared in the Bute County, North Carolina, Record Book in an entry that was recorded in August 1778. Bute County was eventually divided into two counties – Franklin and Warren – and John Jehu resided in the part that came to be named Warren. One Jehue Stokeley ( sic ) also appears in Warren County's Will Book in an entry dated September 1781. The name of Jehu Stokely, with variations on the spelling, continued to appear in Warren County documents up until May of 1798. This is the latest date that we can find Stokely being carried officially as a resident of Warren County. A Jehu Stokly (sic) then appears on the Washington County, Tennessee, tax records for 1798.

        Fixing the date of John Jehu Stokely's arrival in east Tennessee is made even more difficult by the fact that Washington County was at one time a part of western North Carolina, and many of the military land grants that were awarded to Revolutionary War veterans by North Carolina were located in Washington County. Indeed, in those days North Carolina territory extended westward all the way to the Mississippi River. Cocke County wasn't created as a separate entity until late in 1797 when it was carved out of Jefferson County.

        Jehu Stokely himself enlightens us as to exactly how he came to be in the American colonies and he tells us of one adventure in particular that he experienced before settling in east Tennessee. Lady Ruth Odell tells of sitting down with my great-grandfather Americus Jehu Stokely (1867-1946) on March 23, 1938, at his home in Nough (pronounced “Nuff” and known locally as Slabtown) and of listening as the old man told of Jehu's arrival in America and of Old Jehu's claim that he had actually served with John Paul Jones.

        Old Jehu told the family that while he was still living in Wales he was arrested by the British Crown for a minor offense (trespassing or breaking a branch from a tree) and then sentenced to serve seven years aboard a British sailing vessel as punishment. Old Jehu, according to Americus Jehu Stokely, nursed a grudge against the British for the rest of his life for what he considered to be a flagrant miscarriage of justice. John Jehu served at least a portion, and perhaps all, of this seven-year sentence and eventually arrived in the American colonies (through the port of Charleston, South Carolina, it is said). He soon enlisted on the side of the colonialists in their Revolutionary War against the British, during which time he found himself aboard one of the vessels commanded by John Paul Jones in 1779. Essentially the same story related by Americus Jehu Stokely is repeated in The Stokely Story , an account by Mable Stokely Grigsby – another direct descendant of John Jehu Stokely. Mrs. Grigsby's story was published in the Cocke County Banner some years ago and is on file in the Stokely Memorial Library in Newport, Tennessee.

        I, like others, had some doubts about the truth of the family story that John Jehu served with John Paul Jones in September of 1779 at the time of the historic clash between Jones' flagship the Bon Homme Richard and the British vessel Serapis . These doubts about the story led me to initiate a research effort (See Part II of this article ) to see if light could be shed on this portion of my great-great-great-great-grandfather's life. My doubts were reinforced when I was unable to find Stokely's name on the roster for the Bon Homme Richard , which can be found in The Life and Character of John Paul Jones, a Captain in the United States Navy, During the Revolutionary War, the fine compilation by John Henry Sherburne. Mr. Sherburne's book contains the rosters for the Bon Homme Richard and the American-built frigate Alliance , as well as copies of certain correspondence between John Paul Jones and Benjamin Franklin related to the exchange of American sailors imprisoned by the British and these sailors' eventual assignment aboard vessels under Jones' command.

        But upon further investigation I discovered that Old John Jehu was in fact not on the Bon Homme Richard but was apparently aboard the Alliance, which was also at the scene of the battle on the night of September 23, 1779, and which was captained by the half-mad Frenchman Pierre Landais. The Alliance , even though she was a participant in the battle on that September evening in 1779, has not achieved the historic notoriety enjoyed by the Bon Homme Richard . Captain Landais and the Alliance were present only on the margins of the battle between the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis . Shockingly, Landais ordered the Alliance to actually fire on the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis while those two vessels were lashed together in what some have called their "deadly embrace," and the Alliance did in fact rake (fired down the length of the boat) both vessels three times with cannon fire. Whatever Landais' intent, Jones, even though the Bon Homme Richard sank just hours after the battle, forced the captain of the British vessel to strike his colors, thereby defeating the more heavily armed Serapis in what was one of the bloodiest encounters to occur between sailing vessels of that era. ( A bristling description of the battle between the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis may be found in the book Night on Fire , John Evangelist Walsh's splendid account of John Paul Jones' finest hour.)

        The battle between the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis, which took place over a period of hours on the evening of September 23, 1779, was fought beneath a full moon and was witnessed by crowds of British citizens watching from atop the chalk cliffs at Flamborough Head, England. ( Author's Note: I feel fortunate to have been able to stand atop those very same chalk cliffs at Flamborough Head, with the ghost of Old John Jehu at my side and with the rain in my face, as I gazed out across the waters of Filey Bay to the spot where the Bon Homme Richard sank some 230 years ago. ) Stokely too was a witness to history on that moonlit night in September of 1779, as he doubtless gazed with a sense of satisfaction across the water from the decks of the Alliance as the glow from the fires aboard both the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis illuminated the scene. The world was changing before young Jehu's eyes (at 32, he was the same age as John Paul Jones), but it is doubtful that the youthful revolutionary envisioned the colossus that his adopted country would become. It was probably beyond his comprehension that the sea would someday be ruled by huge nuclear-powered naval vessels made of iron and steel and that they would serve as floating landing strips for machines that could fly through the air so rapidly that they would have passed through the area before the sound signaling their approach had even arrived.

        Our family should be proud that Jehu was there when Jones battled the Serapis , as this exceptionally bloody clash (participants spoke of mangled corpses, scattered entrails, and blood lapping over one's shoes) was arguably the most significant naval encounter involving an American vessel to occur during our country's formative years. ( The Bon Homme Richard , even though she displayed the American flag , was actually a French merchant vessel that had been loaned to John Paul Jones and then re-fitted by him.) Indeed, there are some (this does not include the British) who maintain that the engagement between the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis was the most significant naval encounter ever to occur in our nation's history, rivaling even the June 1942 Battle of Midway when American pilots destroyed the bulk of the Japanese aircraft carrier fleet and changed the course of the war against Japan.

        Even had he not been present with Jones on that September evening in 1779, we should be proud of the very fact that Old Jehu served as an American sailor during the revolutionary era. Scholars have written of the leadership role assumed by the waterfront crowd, which of course included sailors, in pre-revolutionary actions. In fact, there is ample evidence that the American Revolution began on the waterfront and then relied in great part on the actions of the maritime workers to maintain its impetus. (Paul A. Gilje, Liberty on the Waterfront, American Maritime Culture in the Age of Revolution .)

        Jehu, having fought on the side of the colonies during the Revolutionary War and apparently having served under John Paul Jones in the North Sea during the autumn of 1779, found his way back to America in time to wed Nancy Neil sometime in 1780 and then to settle in the Big Creek area of east Tennessee in the late 18 th century and become the patriarch of a clan that now probably numbers at least in the hundreds.

        In Part II (below) of this article I lay out in more detail the evidence that I was able to uncover that supports the family story that John Jehu Stokely was on the scene when John Paul Jones' flagship, the Bon Homme Richard, battled and captured the British vessel Serapis in September of 1779. Part II is footnoted for those who may wish to look further into the story.






Geof Hunt's painting of the Bon Homme Richard as she prepared to engage the British

vessel Serapis in September of 1779.


ust about every Stokely in east Tennessee or with roots in east Tennessee has heard the family story about John Jehu Stokely, the patriarch of the branch of the Stokely family that settled in Cocke County, Tennessee, having served with John Paul Jones at the time of the Bon Homme Richard's historic clash with the British vessel Serapis . From reading the family's accounts of what John Jehu claimed, one might infer that Stokely was actually on board the Bon Homme Richard on the night of September 23, 1779 . But an examination of the Stokely family accounts, a close look at the historic record, and a little amateur handwriting analysis has led me to conclude that John Jehu Stokely was probably at the scene of the battle all right, just as he said he was. But it appears that Stokely was aboard the American-built frigate Alliance and not Jones' flagship the Bon Homme Richard.

        Variations on the story of Old Jehu's exploits are everywhere in Stokely lore, but we'll concern ourselves with the accounts passed down to today's generations by two of John Jehu Stokely's direct descendants: Americus Jehu Stokely of Del Rio, Tennessee, and Mrs. Charles L. Grigsby of Asheville, North Carolina. Americus Jehu was the great-grandson of John Jehu Stokely. His account can be found in Lady Ruth Webb Odell's ambitious Over The Misty Blue Hills and begins on page 140 of that book. Mrs. Grigsby was Old Jehu's great-great-granddaughter, and her account was published in the Cocke County Banner some years ago and is now filed in the Stokely Memorial Library in Newport, Tennessee. The two versions are essentially the same when it comes to the basic story, but Mrs. Grigsby adds that Jehu was captured in battle, imprisoned, and then exchanged.

        Old Jehu told his family that he was arrested by British authorities for the simple act of either trespassing on royal property or for breaking a branch from a tree limb. He claimed that as punishment for this act he was sentenced to serve seven years aboard a British sailing vessel. This is entirely plausible, as the British Royal Navy was using methods such as this in the 18th century to satisfy the growing need for sailors to man its expanding fleet and to provide crews for its warships during times of war. The seven-year figure cited by Jehu is within the normal range of time levied by British authorities, and if we assume for the moment that Jehu was in his late teens or early twenties at the time of his arrest, we can fix the time of this incident as probably in the late 1760s. (Jesse W.D. Stokely, a descendant of Old Jehu, tells us that John Jehu was born in south Wales, while other sources of undetermined reliability claim that Jehu came from Monmouth, Wales. Jesse W.D. also estimates Jehu's arrival in the colonies at about 1768 or 1770.)

        According to the story handed down to us, Jehu said that he eventually landed in Charleston, South Carolina. British vessels were everywhere in American waters in the late 18 th century just before the Revolutionary War broke out, and it is something of an understatement to say that life on board one of these ships was harsh. Most of the sailors detested serving aboard His Majesty's vessels, and it has been recorded that British seamen deserted their ships in large numbers while those ships were in American ports. (1) Charleston, of course, was and is a major port, and it's plausible that young Jehu either completed his seven-year sentence while in American waters or that he simply jumped ship, as some have suggested. Family sources tell us, after all, that Jehu nursed a serious grudge against the British for what he considered to have been unjust punishment and that he retained this animosity toward the Crown for his entire life. ( The Stokelys apparently had a strong sense of family, and this trait – and John Jehu's feelings for his adopted country – is perhaps reflected in the name given to one of John Jehu's great-grandsons: Americus Jehu Stokely. )

        Jehu, according to the story, cast his lot with John Paul Jones soon after arriving in America but, as we shall see, some period of time in fact elapsed between Stokely's probable arrival in the colonies and his experience with Jones in the North Sea waters off Flamborough Head in September 1779. Students of history will recall too that Jones' flagship the Bon Homme Richard was in fact a French merchantman loaned to Jones. (2) The French wanted Jones to lead a diversionary force into the northern British Isles as cover for a planned French invasion of southern England in the summer of 1779. (3) This invasion, of course, never occurred, but Jones, who had arrived in France from America aboard the American frigate Ranger in December 1777, (4) went ahead with preparations and recruited the entire crew for the Bon Homme Richard and some additional men for the Alliance while he was on French soil. (5) We are probably safe in concluding, therefore, that Stokely must have been in France or nearby when he signed up with Jones.

        Prior to his service with John Paul Jones and in apparent testament to his feelings toward the British, Jehu took up arms against the Crown sometime after his arrival in America. Indeed, there is ample evidence that he was a member of the North Carolina Militia at the time of the Battle of Brier (Briar or Bryer) Creek in eastern Georgia on March 3, 1779, just a little more than six months before John Paul Jones was to sail into history aboard the Bon Homme Richard . One Jehu Stockley (the Welsh spelling) appears on a list of sundries and cash awarded to members of the militias of North Carolina, Virginia, and South Carolina as compensation for losses claimed and allowed during the Revolutionary War. Jehu, according to this list, was to be paid for clothing lost at the battle of Brier Creek. (6) The question then arises of exactly what happened to Jehu (and his clothing) at the Battle of Brier Creek and how did he manage in the aftermath of that battle to find his way to western Europe and keep his date with history?

        The Battle of Brier Creek was a one-sided victory for the British that resulted in the capture of scores of Americans. (7) So, did Stokely simply discard his extra clothing and equipment in order to escape the British by swimming across a river in the vicinity – as many American fighting men did (8) – or was he captured by the British and was his extra clothing and equipment taken from him, as was commonly done? (9) Fortunately, we are enlightened by information contained in the pension applications of two other veterans of the Brier Creek engagement.

        Both of these men, one Augustine Balthrop and a gentleman named John Hancock, had enlisted in the North Carolina militia in Bute County, North Carolina, where Jehu Stokely made his home before he came to the French Broad River region in east Tennessee, probably in the late 1790s. (Bute County was divided into Warren and Franklin Counties in 1779, and Stokely lived in the portion that became Warren County). Both Balthrop and Hancock swore in their separate pension applications that they were captured at the Battle of Brier Creek and were subsequently taken to the town of Savannah and placed aboard a British prison ship anchored in the river some miles south of the town. Both men identified John Stokely by name as having been captured along with them and then being put aboard the prison ship south of Savannah. (10)

        Both Balthrop and Hancock, justifiably fearing for their lives if they had to remain aboard that prison ship, ultimately signed on with the British forces and agreed to fight on the side of the Crown. Balthrop held out until late June 1779 (his estimation), while Hancock waited until September before enlisting in the British ranks. (11) A third veteran of Brier Creek, a certain William Poplin, swore that he was also captured at Brier Creek and was confined aboard a British prison ship south of Savannah for about six months before he too, rather than risk starving to death, enlisted in the service of the British. (12) Poplin did not give the names of any of the men who were captured with him.

        This switching of allegiances (taking an oath only "from the teeth out" ), especially if it meant escaping the death traps that the prison ships had become, was a common practice for captured Americans during the Revolutionary War. (13) The British prison ships were regarded by some as merely a way to kill American soldiers, and many thousands of Americans did in fact perish aboard these hulks. Indeed, the number of deaths that resulted from incarceration in the rancid holds of these rotting vessels far exceeded the number of American deaths from wounds suffered in battle. (14) Balthrop, Hancock, and Poplin eventually deserted from the British ranks and made their way back to the American lines and returned to their homes. (15) Other Americans captured at Brier Creek served time aboard at least three British prison vessels in succession, beginning at Savannah, before eventually being exchanged at Charleston in October 1779. We have found no evidence that Stokely was among this group of exchanged Americans, but if our John Jehu Stokely had been imprisoned in the Savannah area throughout the summer of 1779, then he obviously could not have been with Jones in September of that year.

        Neither Balthrop nor Hancock mentioned what eventually happened to Stokely after the British imprisoned him. We know of course that Stokely survived his time aboard the prison ship south of Savannah and that he eventually filed for repayment for the clothing that he lost at the Battle of Brier Creek. We are fairly confident too (as we shall see) that he was at the scene of the battle between the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis in September 1779, just as he claimed to his family some 200 years ago. So if the John Stokely named by Balthrop and Hancock is our man, and if John Stokely was in fact at the scene of the battle between the Bon Homme Richard and Serapis on September 23, 1779, then my g-g-g-g-grandfather had to have gotten off of that prison ship fairly quickly and to have set sail for the waters around the British Isles. But what were the circumstances surrounding his leaving that scow in the river south of Savannah and how did he get from there to France?

        There are several possibilities. Stokely could have been paroled or involved in an exchange for British prisoners or he could simply have escaped. Parolees, in accordance with the terms of their release, were obliged not to return to the battlefield until they were officially exchanged, but a considerable number of these former prisoners failed to live up to the stipulations of their paroles. Mable Stokely Grigsby, of course, tells us that Stokely was captured in battle, imprisoned, and then exchanged, but she provides no details that would help fix the date of these events or the parties involved. We can't be sure, therefore, if the action at Brier Creek and afterwards are the events to which she refers. If Stokely – by now an experienced seaman – avoided imprisonment on that British prison ship near Savannah by being either paroled or exchanged or by escaping, then he might have decided that signing on with one of the hundreds of American privateers then operating out of American ports – or even a privateer sailing under a foreign flag – would serve two purposes: it could conceivably put money into his pockets in reasonably short order (privateering could be an uncommonly profitable venture in those days) and it would allow him to continue his personal vendetta against the British for the time he served as punishment for the trespassing/property destruction incident back in Wales. (16)

        Some estimates place the number of Americans who served aboard these American privateers at something more than 200,000, and it was not unusual for an American to sign on with a privateer flying the flag of another country (many Americans served aboard French vessels). Indeed, American vessels were enjoying the sanctuary of French ports by the spring of 1779, and two French privateers, Monsieur and Granville , in fact were waiting near Lorient, France, when Jones arrived there at the helm of the Bon Homme Richard in early August of 1779. (17) The captains of these two vessels had decided to join Jones, and the two privateers were part of Jones' task force when the seven vessels under his command set sail on August 14, 1779, from Groix Roadstead on the southern tip of France. Both Monsieur and Granville, however, separated themselves from Jones' flotilla within a few days and were not with Jones at the time of the engagement between Bon Homme Richard and Serapis . (18) Americans were serving aboard French privateers during this era, and crewmen switched vessels easily and not necessarily with the permission of their captains in those days. The two French privateers were in fact in port at Groix Roadstead at the same time that Jones, the Bon Homme Richard , and the Alliance were there. And even though it may be something of a stretch, who can say with certainty that Stokely was not on either the Monsieur or Granville and that he did not join the crew of the Alliance while the vessels were all at Groix Roadstead?

        We can also consider the possibility that Stokely, when captured by the British at Brier Creek, immediately decided to save his neck and, drawing upon his years of experience at sea, avoided incarceration on that prison ship near Savannah by switching sides and signing on with the British as a crewman aboard a British sailing vessel. American fighting men knew all too well what to expect if they were to be confined aboard one of the British prison ships: either death or the ruination of one's health for a lifetime. There are eyewitness accounts of American prisoners gnawing at their own flesh or trying to eat bricks as they sought simply to survive their confinement aboard these festering hulks. (19) One unidentified prisoner lamented , “Death or enlistment with the enemy are the only two choices we have.” (20)

        It is well known that the British were experiencing a shortage of sailors during this period and were employing all manner of incentives and tactics, including impressments, to provide crews for their vessels. British recruiters were among the first to approach newly confined American prisoners with offers of amnesty if the prisoners would sign on aboard a British vessel. (21) Indeed, Americans constituted a significant percentage of the crews manning British vessels during the revolutionary era. One British source claimed that thousands of seamen were recruited from the prison population for His Majesty's service. (22) Just as Balthrop, Hancock, and Poplin had done after temporarily switching allegiances, Stokely would probably have looked for an opportunity to escape from the British if he in fact joined them in the spring of 1779 and put to sea. (23)

        If Stokely signed on with a privateer or with a British ship, then it's entirely possible – indeed probable if we accept that the Brier Creek Stokely and the Bon Homme Richard-Serapis Stokely are one and the same – that his new vessel sailed back across the Atlantic into waters near the British Isles and that Stokely left the ship at that point. Stokely would then have had little trouble finding his way to a French port where he would have been available for recruitment by John Paul Jones in the spring/summer of 1779. American prisoners who escaped from British captivity in the United Kingdom did in fact make their way across the English Channel fairly easily and, with the aid of facilitators put in place by Benjamin Franklin, quickly found their way onto privateers or warships. (24)

        It is a matter of historical record that many American sailors aboard privateer vessels were captured by the British during this period and that these sailors were taken to England and locked away in British prisons. Two of the most notorious of these lockups were Forton (near Portsmouth) and Mill (at Plymouth) in the United Kingdom. In fact, most of the Americans imprisoned at these two British facilities were naval personnel. (25) We also know from the history books that Benjamin Franklin, who was one of the American Commissioners in Paris and America's Ambassador to France during the Revolutionary War, succeeded in gaining the release of hundreds of the American sailors from Forton and Mill in exchange for British prisoners. It is also a matter of record that many of the American sailors who were eventually released in the exchange agreement negotiated by Franklin were transported from England to French ports, where they immediately signed on with John Paul Jones during the spring and summer of 1779 and became part of the crews of the Bon Homme Richard and the Alliance. (26) Indeed, one of Jones' primary missions while in the waters around the British Isles was to capture as many British sailors as he could so that they might be exchanged for the Americans languishing in British jails.

        I did not find Stokely's name on any of the lists that I have seen of Americans that were involved in the prisoner exchanges arranged by Franklin. Nor does his name or any variation of Stokely appear on the roster of the men aboard the Bon Homme Richard at the time of that vessel's encounter with the Serapis . (27) But there were other vessels in the little flotilla commanded by John Paul Jones at the time of that fateful encounter in September of 1779. The two French privateers Monsieur and Granville left the flotilla before the Bon Homme Richard-Serapis encounter , leaving – in addition to Bon Homme Richard – the frigate La Pallas , the Corvette La Vengeance, the cutter Le Cerf , and the Continental Frigate Alliance . The Alliance was the American-built fighting ship that would go on to greater glory on the side of the colonies in the Revolutionary War. (28) In September of 1779, however, the unbalanced Frenchman Pierre Landais, who disgraced himself by firing on both the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis while those two vessels were locked in mortal combat, was at the helm of the Alliance . (29) Happily, Landais was eventually removed (twice) from his post as captain of the Alliance . (30)

        Enter John Holeky ! A copy of the roster of the Alliance dated October 3, 1779, just ten days after the Bon Homme Richard-Serapis engagement, contains the name of one John Holeky and identifies him as a surgeon's mate on board the Alliance . (31) The roster that I have seen is typewritten and, one assumes, was probably copied from the handwritten roster kept either by the ship's clerk (scribe) or by the first mate. Because Stokely and Holeky are so similar, I initially suspected that Holeky just might be Old Jehu and that my g-g-g-g-grandfather had deliberately altered the spelling of his last name to conceal his true identity. The British were of course quite conscious of the possibility that an exchanged prisoner might well take up arms against them again, and they had made it clear that things would not go well for anyone who might be recaptured. But after some additional research, I became convinced that the appearance of John Holeky on the typed roster of the Alliance is because the transcriber misread the handwritten name Stokely as Holeky. The first name is rendered by the transcriber as John because either Old Jehu actually used the name “John” (which is used on other documents) or because the name “Jehu” was misread as “John.” (Readers who look closely at examples of the handwritten “Jehu” will see how easily it can be rendered as “John.”) The record, in fact, reveals that the handwriting on ships' documents during this era was often misread, which led to the frequent misspellings of sailors' names.

        I came to this conclusion after I turned my attention to copies of several documents: the original census roles of 1790 for Warren County, North Carolina; an official list of militia members from the Carolinas and Virginia that shows that one Jehu Stockley ( sic ) was authorized to be compensated for clothing lost at the Battle of Brier Creek; Tennessee Land Grant number 2143; and the State of North Carolina Warrant number 1919. Each of these documents contains John Jehu Stokely's name, written in old-style script by clerks who presumably were considered to have at least adequate penmanship skills. It takes only a cursory examination of these documents to see that the inscribed name Jehu (or John) Stokely could easily have been mistakenly read as John Holeky. This is because, in the hands of these scribes, the old-style capital “S” followed by a lower-case “t” would often appear to the unwary to be a capital “H.” This phenomenon, in which the crossing of the “t” is exaggerated, is especially noticeable in the State of North Carolina Warrant number 1919 and on the census roles of 1790 for Warren County, North Carolina. (32) In fact, several examples of this exaggerated crossing of the “t” after the capital “S” can be found on the census roles for 1790. One need only look at such names as Stephen, Stoke, and Story, which are to be found on the same page with Stokely. Examples of this peculiar “St-becomes-H” convention can be observed in later years in the signatures of both my g-g-grandfather John H. Stokely and his grandson John H. Stokely, Jr.

        I have personally confirmed that this same handwriting convention was practiced by the clerk who made out the payroll for the Alliance in 1781 (33) , but I have not seen the original handwritten crew list prepared in October 1779. I cannot say with certainty, therefore, whether the ship's clerk at that time used the same style as his fellow scribes in North Carolina and in Tennessee territory and on board the Alliance in 1781, although I strongly suspect that he did. I believe that the person responsible for typing the Alliance roster from the clerk's handwritten list of October 3, 1779 simply mis-read Jehu (or John) Stokely as John Holeky. This mistake would have been even easier to make if the names were not arranged alphabetically (the rosters I have seen were not arranged alphabetically) and if the typist was not familiar with the first name “Jehu.” I'm convinced that the similarity between Jehu (or John) Stokely and John Holeky is too striking to dismiss and that the Holeky who appears on the typewritten copy of the roster of the Alliance is in fact John Jehu Stokely.

        Jehu had very likely heard of John Paul Jones and his exploits among the British Isles in early 1778 while Jones was at the helm of the frigate Ranger , and he may have welcomed the opportunity to join the “pirate” Jones, as the British still call him. Serving under Jones, despite Jones' proclivity for going in harm's way, would have allowed Old Jehu to pursue his personal vendetta against the British, and since the Alliance was an American frigate, he probably looked upon service aboard this vessel as a way of securing passage back to the American colonies.

        The name John Holeky appears again some 70 years later, in May of 1848, on the typewritten official list of prize money awarded to crewmen aboard the Alliance . (34) It is clear, however, that this prize list is for the crew who were aboard the Alliance in September 1779. I consider it very likely that this list dated in 1848 was merely copied from the typed version of the October 3, 1779 list that was prepared while the vessel was under Jones' command but captained by Landais. Since I'm convinced that a John Holeky never existed, I suspect that this prize money was never awarded to the descendants of John Jehu Stokely. Holeky's name also appears on page 72 of the book The Revolutionary Worthies of the Medical Staff , where he is identified again as a surgeon's mate aboard the Alliance , although the book explains that it cannot vouch for the medical credentials of the people listed. It is interesting that of the some 90 “medical worthies” listed in this book whose last names begin with “H,” only two names – one of them being Holeky – do not include the state of residence. (35) Again, I believe that the appearance of Holeky's name in this book, which is dated July 1890, can be traced to the appearance of Holeky on the typed version of the Alliance roster dated October 3, 1779.

        So, I am suggesting that Jehu Stokely arrived in America after either completing his seven years with the British Navy or after cutting short his time of service by jumping ship, and that he ultimately made his way to France and signed on with John Paul Jones there in the spring/summer of 1779. Stokely, of course, would have had to have been aboard a sailing vessel to get from the colonies to France in the spring of 1779 after the Battle of Brier Creek and his capture by the British. If he somehow avoided a lengthy imprisonment in Savannah, then his experience at sea in the service of the Crown would have enabled him to land a position aboard a privateer – either an American vessel or a privateer flying a foreign flag. This new vessel would have sailed across the Atlantic to a point on or near the coast of France, where Stokely could have left the ship and made his way to the spot where John Paul Jones recruited him.

        But American privateers were at sea primarily to attack British shipping, (36) so if Jehu were on a privateer and that vessel were to have been captured in battle with a British sailing ship, then Stokely would logically have been confined to either Forton or Mill prisons in England. He could then have been among those Americans exchanged for British prisoners and would have been available to sign on with John Paul Jones and then serve aboard the Continental Frigate Alliance. This chain of events would also satisfy Mable Stokely Grigsby's account that Stokely had been captured in battle, imprisoned, and then exchanged. Several American seamen who signed on with Jones in 1779 followed precisely this route: they served aboard privateers, they were captured and then imprisoned at either Forton or Mill, they were eventually exchanged for British prisoners, and they then signed on to serve under John Paul Jones. (37) And then there's the possibility that Stokely was on one of the two French privateers that greeted Jones when he arrived at Groix Roadstead in August of 1779.

        Alternatively, Stokely could have switched sides temporarily in Savannah just to avoid incarceration aboard that prison ship, after which he may have sailed aboard a British vessel to a British port where he would have left the ship and made his way across the English Channel to France. Once in France, probably near Lorient, Stokely could have signed on with John Paul Jones and would have served as one of the three surgeon's mates aboard the Alliance . Some historians, in writing of how Jones assembled the crews to serve aboard the Richard and the Alliance , have included “stranded seamen” as one of the groups from which Jones recruited his sailors. There are of course other scenarios within which Stokely could have found himself under Jones' command, but I believe, given the circumstances at the time, that these that I have put forward are the most likely.

        Either of the two scenarios that I have proposed would account for Stokely/Holeky appearing on the Alliance crew list in October of 1779, but John Jehu was not on any of the other rosters that I have been able to locate for that vessel. Obviously, the name Stokely/Holeky would not have appeared on the Alliance roster (and it didn't) (38) when that frigate set sail from Boston for France early in 1779 if my g-g-g-g-grandfather didn't come aboard the Alliance until the spring or summer of that year, which I believe is the case. As for crew lists for the Alliance dated other than October 3, 1779, I have learned that at least six other rosters are known to exist for that vessel. Those rosters are dated March 1779 (two), April 1779 (a partial roster), March 1781, April 1783, and May 1783 near the end of the Revolutionary War. I have been told by other researchers that the name Stokely, or any variation of it, does not appear on any of these rosters, and I have personally confirmed that no such name appears on the two rosters dated March 1779, (39) on the partial roster dated April 1779, (40) or on the Alliance payroll for 1781. (41)

        It should be noted too that a sizeable group of men left the Bon Homme Richard at Lorient in July 1779. All of these men had signed on with Jones at French ports in March and April of 1779, but they had apparently decided by July, for whatever reason, that duty aboard the Bon Homme Richard was not for them. (42) It is known that sailors of that era often left one ship for another, sometimes with permission and sometimes without, (43) and men certainly were not competing to serve under John Paul Jones. One need only look at the carnage that took place during the battle between the Bon Homme Richard and Serapis for an example of just why Jones was not that popular with his men: one could get killed serving under Jones.

        In any event, 24 of the men who left the Bon Homme Richard in July 1779 were identified by name, and their position when they were aboard the Richard was listed. Neither Stokely nor any variation of Stokely appears on this list, but two men among the deserters, both of whom were unnamed, were identified as surgeon's mates and it was noted that they had both come aboard the Bon Homme Richard at Lorient. (44) When the Alliance left Boston in January 1779, two of her crew were identified by name and it was noted that they were surgeon's mates. (45) The roster of the Alliance dated October 3, 1779 contained the names of these same two men and that of a third surgeon's mate: John Holeky (our John Stokely). The Alliance and the Bon Homme Richard were in and out of some of the same ports in the summer of 1779 and were often anchored near one another, (46) so one might suspect that one of the surgeon's mates who left the Bon Homme Richard that month could have been John Jehu Stokely and that Stokely simply found his way aboard the Alliance . In fairness, however, it should be noted that none of the men who were identified by name as having left the Bon Homme Richard in July 1779 appeared on the crew list of the Alliance that was dated October 3, 1779. So, if Stokely did in fact simply leave the Bon Homme Richard and step aboard the Alliance that July, then he may have been the only former Bon Homme Richard crewman to have done so.

        Stokely, who it appears did not come aboard the Alliance until that vessel had arrived in French waters, was back in America in time to wed Nancy Neil sometime in 1780 (according to David Royal Stokely's bible), but we can't be certain at this point exactly when or how Jehu returned to the colonies. It could be that Jehu left the Alliance sometime after October 3, 1779 – but while that ship was still in Europe – and that he then found his way back to America aboard another vessel. He certainly had ample opportunity to do so between the time of the battle off Flamborough Head on 23 September 1779 and the eventual departure of the Alliance from France in June 1780. Passage to America was available out of either French or Dutch ports, and some of the American prisoners who escaped from British detention are known to have signed on at these ports for the voyage back across the Atlantic to their homes. (47)

        The Alliance in fact arrived in Texel – Amsterdam's access to the North Sea – on October 3, 1779, just days after the Bon Homme Richard-Serapis encounter, and the ship remained there until late December. Jones, who by this time had taken over from Pierre Landais as Captain of the Alliance , took her back out to sea on December 27 th and – after an 11-day stop in Corunna, Spain – eventually brought the Alliance into Lorient, France, on February 19, 1780, where she remained until mid-June. The log of the Alliance confirms that a number of crewmen left the ship – some in March, others in May – without authorization while she was in port in Lorient, and other members of the Alliance crew were put aboard prizes (other ships) captured by the frigate while she was under Jones' command between late December and mid-February. (48) The prize crews would have sailed these captured ships into nearby ports. (49)

        Pierre Landais, who had earlier been stripped of his command of the Alliance , took advantage of Jones' absence from that vessel in June 1780 to board the frigate and reclaim the captaincy. (50) Landais eventually sailed the Alliance back across the Atlantic – although he was in command for only a portion of the trip – and the ship arrived in Boston in August 1780. But there apparently is no roster available that would tell us if Stokely was aboard during that voyage home. Perhaps Stokely became lost in the confusion over which vessel – the Alliance or the frigate Ariel – that the Bon Homme Richard veterans would board for their return to America. When Landais took back the helm of the Alliance in June of 1780 a number of Bon Homme Richard veterans were already aboard that ship and were preparing for their return to America. (51) Landais, who was at odds with John Paul Jones from the time he was placed under Jones' command, (52) immediately demanded oaths of allegiance from all of the Alliance crew – which may still have included Stokely – but he then slapped in irons all of those who wanted to leave the ship and join Jones aboard the Ariel (53) (the Ariel was yet another vessel that the French had loaned to Jones). (54) We may never know if Jehu was among those who wanted to leave the Alliance and go with Jones, but the Jones loyalists who were aboard the Alliance eventually returned to America with that vessel and arrived in Boston in August 1780. Some of them were in chains, as ordered by Landais. (55)

        As an aside, Captain Pierre Landais became even more unstable as the Alliance made its way across the Atlantic. The crew and passengers eventually mutinied against the totally unhinged Frenchman and turned command of the vessel over to the First Officer, who guided the ship into Boston. Landais was eventually found guilty on several counts at a courts martial and was ignominiously drummed out of the service. The Alliance , which was named in recognition of the American-French alliance during the Revolutionary War, went on under the command of John Barry to become a mainstay of the American Navy during the War for Independence. (56)

        Another 45 or so Bon Homme Richard veterans formed part of the crew of the Ariel as Jones sailed this smaller frigate back across the Atlantic to Philadelphia. The Ariel arrived in the City of Brotherly Love in February 1781, but a roster of the men aboard the vessel for this voyage is available and does not include Stokely's name or any variation of it. (57) Some men loyal to Jones, therefore, were aboard the Alliance and others were on the Ariel, but it appears more likely that if Stokely were in fact aboard either of these ships, then the Alliance would seem to be the more logical choice. This would be cutting it pretty close, but Jehu would have had time to make it to Charleston in time for his marriage to Nancy Neil that year – even though the British were still occupying that port city – if he were aboard the Alliance when it arrived in Boston on August 19, 1780. We also know that some Bon Homme Richard veterans were aboard the frigate South Carolina when that vessel left Texel in August 1781, but the dates associated with this ship's voyages conflict with other information about Stokely of which we are fairly confident. For instance, Jehu's first child Susan was probably conceived in September 1781 at a time when the South Carolina was at sea on its way from Texel to Corunna, Spain. (58) Absent information that Jehu was not the biological father of Susan, then we must assume that he and Nancy had to have been together sometime in the autumn of 1781.

        Ordinarily, we might consider a tale such as this to be just a little far-fetched. Here we have a young Welsh lad being slapped aboard a British sailing vessel for seven years as punishment for a minor offense. He then arrives in America in time to enlist on the side of the colonies against the British, he's captured in battle, he faces being thrown aboard a death-trap of a British prison ship, he somehow avoids a lengthy incarceration aboard that vessel, he soon finds himself probably back on the coast of France, he signs on with John Paul Jones and is present at one of the most famous battles in the American Navy's history, he probably returns to America aboard an American vessel with a certifiable Frenchman at the helm, and he then finally settles in east Tennessee with a Revolutionary soldier's grant of land and becomes my g-g-g-g- grandfather and the patriarch of hundreds of descendants.

        But what Old Jehu may have experienced was not that much out of the ordinary during this period in our country's history. Indeed, there are many such stories that strain credulity. Sailors of that era typically served aboard many different vessels; they changed ships for a variety of reasons – better pay, a more lenient captain, or a destination more to their liking; they often left one vessel for another without the captain's permission, simply jumping ship; attempted mutinies were not that uncommon as crews frequently rebelled against their captains; men were lost at sea; capricious winds blew ships to the four corners of the globe; sailors were captured in battle, imprisoned, exchanged, and recaptured; sailors switched allegiances and often fought on both sides at separate times; American sailors escaped from certain British prisons for a night on the town and then re-entered the prison the next day on their own; captured British officers were paroled and allowed to live in American towns among the colonialists; prize crews put aboard captured vessels in order to sail those ships into a nearby port were sometimes captured themselves; press gangs prowled the waterfront pubs and grabbed unwary seamen for service at sea; and thousands of American sailors died in captivity during the Revolutionary War. There are dozens of true stories from the Revolution that make our version of what may have happened to Stokely seem run-of-the-mill. (59)

        There are several accounts of Jehu Stokely's service during the Revolutionary War that identify him as both a sailor and as a member of the Continental Army in the service of America. It is unclear from these accounts, because they sometimes conflict, exactly when Jehu served in what capacity. Family legend has it that Jehu admired the courage displayed by the “Over-Mountain Men” at the battle of King's Mountain on October 7, 1780 and that he made the decision at that time to settle in east Tennessee. (60) The implication in the family story is that Stokely was in fact at King's Mountain when the Over-Mountain Men decimated the Tories under British Col. Patrick Ferguson. Members of the North Carolina Militia did indeed participate in the battle, (61) but the engagement occurred less than two months after the Alliance arrived in Boston and I have been unable to locate any official record that places Stokely at Kings Mountain in October of 1780.

        One account provided by one of Jehu's great-grandsons, Jesse W. D. Stokely, has Jehu enlisting in what passed for a Navy in the revolutionary era and then serving two enlistments in the Continental Army in the “heavy artillery.” Another version of Jehu's service, allegedly also provided by Jesse W. D. Stokely, has Jehu enlisting as a private soldier with the colonies and then later re-enlisting in the Navy, where, according to Jesse, he remained “until terminated.” (62) Within this scenario, Jehu could have fought at the battle of Brier Creek in March 1779 and then could have gone to sea in time to surface aboard the Alliance in September of that same year. But my great-grandfather, Americus Jehu Stokely, told Lady Ruth Webb Odell in March 1938 that Old Jehu became a soldier in the “Department of Heavy Artillery” and fought on the side of America in the Revolutionary War after serving under John Paul Jones. (63) One wonders if Old Jehu was serving as an artilleryman when the Continental Army's artillery batteries played a key role in the defeat of Cornwallis at Yorktown in October of 1781. Whatever the case, I think that one would agree that Jehu would have had to have been one busy revolutionary indeed during this period.

        So, after a lot of sometimes frustrating detective work -- and unless Grandpa told a real whopper -- I am confident that I have found sufficient evidence to place John Jehu Stokely at the scene of the September 23, 1779, encounter between the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis . We may never know exactly how Old Jehu came to be off Flamborough Head or how he returned to America in time to wed Ms. Neil in 1780, but I think I have provided Jehu's descendants with some food for thought. My g-g-g-g-grandfather told family members that he served under John Paul Jones, and we should no longer have to add so many qualifying comments when we tell the story of how Old Jehu was present at what was arguably one of the most significant sea battles in our country's history.

        (Author's Note: The conclusions and suggestions that I have put forward after analyzing the historical information I have been able to uncover relating to John Jehu Stokely and John Paul Jones are mine alone. Perhaps other researchers will be able to pick up the thread and tell more of Old Jehu's story. Perhaps additional reviews of the information I have cited will lead others to different conclusions. To all I say, good hunting and God speed your efforts. In any event, don't be too hard on me because one's vision becomes somewhat clouded when one tries to peer back through over 200 years of history.)




Of the printed books cited in the following notes, I will refer to each of those listed here by the author's last name:


Gardner W. Allen, A Naval History of the American Revolution , Boston and New York Houghton and Mifflin Company, The Riverside Press, Cambridge 1913.

John S. Barnes, The Logs of the Serapis-Alliance-Ariel, Under the Command of John Paul Jones 1779-1780 . Printed for the Naval History Society by The De Vinne Press, New York, 1910.

Larry G. Bowman, Captive Americans, Prisoners During the American Revolution, Ohio University Press, Athens, Ohio, 1876.

Edwin G. Burrows, Forgotten Patriots, The Untold Story of American Prisoners During the Revolutionary War, Basic Books, New York, NY, 2008.

Sheldon S. Cohen, Yankee Sailors in British Gaols, Prisoners of War at Forton and Mill 1777-1783 , Associated University Presses, Inc., 1995.

Danske Dandridge, American Prisoners of the Revolution , 1910, Reprinted by Kessinger Publishing.

Paul A. Gilje, Liberty on the Waterfront, American Maritime Culture in the Age of Revolution, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 2004.

William Gilkerson, The Ships of John Paul Jones, The United States Naval Academy Museum, 1987 . The highly-regarded Mr. Gilkerson visually reconstructs all of the vessels that played a significant role in Jones' career, and he discusses in the accompanying text the actions and movements of those vessels and their crews, especially during the Bon Homme Richard-Serapis engagement.

Mrs. Mable Stokely Grigsby, The Stokely Story, Manuscript available in the Stokely Memorial Library, Newport, Tennessee.

Charles Herbert, A Relic of the Revolution: Containing a Full and Particular Account of the Suffering and Privations of All the American Prisoners Captured on the High Seas and Carried Into Plymouth, England, During the Revolution of 1776. Published for the Proprietor by Charles H. Peirce (sic), 1847. Reproduced by Bibliobazaar, Charleston, SC.

William Nathan Jones, By the River and Beyond: History and Humor from the Mountains of East Tennessee , Newport Printing Company, Newport, Tennessee, 1996 . In this loving, first-hand account of life in Del Rio, Tennessee, Mr. Jones draws upon the recollections of local historians as he delves into the history of the Stokely family.

James A . Lewis, Neptune's Militia , The Frigate South Carolina During the American Revolution, The Kent State University Press, 1999.

Samuel Eliot Morison, John Paul Jones: A Sailor's Biography, Little, Brown and Company, Inc. Boston, 1959. Mr. Morison's fine Pulitzer Prize-winning work includes passages on the exchanged American prisoners who signed on with John Paul Jones and on the actions of the unstable Frenchman Pierre Landais during and after the battle between the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis.

Ruth Webb Odell, Over the Misty Blue Hills: The Story of Cocke County, Tennessee, Southern Historical Press, Inc., Greenville, SC, Reprinted 2001. Ms. Odell tells in this book of sitting down with Americus Jehu Stokely in Del Rio, Tennessee, in March of 1938 and of listening as my great-grandfather told her of the exploits of John Jehu Stokely, especially his service with John Paul Jones.

Joseph G. Sawtelle, John Paul Jones and the Ranger , Portsmouth Marine Society, July 2002.

John Henry Sherburne , The Life and Character of John Paul Jones, a Captain in the United States Navy, During the Revolutionary War, Adriance, Sherman and Co., Publishers, New York, 1851. In Mr. Sherburne's book can be found the rosters for the Bon Homme Richard and the Alliance , as well as copies of the correspondence between John Paul Jones and Benjamin Franklin related to the exchanged American sailors and their eventual assignment aboard vessels under Jones' command.

Evan Thomas, John Paul Jones: Sailor, Hero, Father of the American Navy, Simon and Schuster, New York, 2003 . Mr. Thomas' biography provides further insights into the character of John Paul Jones, the battle between Bon Homme Richard and Serapis, and the presence of exchanged American sailors among Jones' crew.

David K. Wilson, The Southern Strategy , Britain's Conquest of South Carolina and Georgia 1775-1789, The University of South Carolina Press Columbia, South Carolina.



  1. Gilje, pp. 100, 120-121.
  2. Gilkerson, p. 31
  3. History of the USS Alliance, Naval Historical Center, Washington. D.C.; Morison, p. 233
  4. Sawtelle, p. 55
  5. Thomas, pp. 161-167; Cohen, p. 150; Morison, p. 249; Letter from Benjamin Franklin to Pierre Landais dtd. April 24, 1779.
  6. List of benefits to be paid to members of the militias of North Carolina, Virginia, and South Carolina. Stokely was to receive compensation for clothing lost at Brier Creek.
  7. Benjamin J. Lossing, The Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution, pp. 712-714, Harper & Brothers, N.Y., 1852.
  8. Ibid.
  9. Burrows, p. 45; Herbert, p. 18.
  10. Revolutionary War Pension Applications for Augustine Balthrop, John Hancock, and William Poplin.
  11. Ibid.
  12. Revolutionary War Pension Application for Poplin.
  13. Burrows, pp. 111-112, 168.
  14. Ibid. pp. 195-204.
  15. Pension Applications for Balthrop, Hancock, and Poplin.
  16. Gilje, pp. 22-25.
  17. Gilje, pp. 106, 114-116; Cohen, p. 93; Morison, pp. 240- 242.
  18. Cohen, p. 84; Burrows, p. 157; Morison, pp. 240-242.
  19. Burrows, pp. 119, 168.
  20. Ibid., p. 177.
  21. Ibid., pp. 153-154, 168.
  22. Ibid., p. 154
  23. Pension Applications for Balthrop, Hancock, and Poplin.
  24. Gilje, pp. 122-123; Cohen, pp. 110-111; Burrows, pp. 157-158.
  25. Cohen, pp. 7, 84, 206.
  26. Cohen, p. 128, 150; Morison, p. 249.
  27. Sherburne, pp. 134-140.
  28. Gilkerson, pp. 55-58.
  29. Barnes, p. 124; Thomas, p. 190; Gilkerson, pp. 48-50; Morison, pp. 283-284; History of USS Alliance .
  30. History of USS Alliance .
  31. Sherburne, pp. 140-144.
  32. Warren County, North Carolina, Census Roles-1790; North Carolina Militia Accounts; Tennessee Land Grant #2143; North Carolina Warrant #1919.
  33. Payroll for Continental Frigate Alliance 1781, Villanova University Digital Library.
  34. Letter of the Secretary of the Treasury, 37 th Congress, 2 nd Session, Ex. Doc. No. 11, May 1848, Statement of the Distribution of Prize Money to men of the Frigate Alliance , p. 11.
  35. Luther Foster Halsey, M.D., The Revolutionary Worthies of the Medical Staff, 1890.
  36. Cohen, pp. 24-25, 93; Cindy Vallar, American Privateers, An Introduction, Feb. 2003.
  37. Herbert, pp. 243-258.
  38. Benjamin Franklin Papers-Yale University, Crew of the Alliance, spring 1779.
  39. Ibid..
  40. Collection of Denis DeVona.
  41. Payroll for Continental Frigate Alliance 1781.
  42. Barnes, pp. 18-19.
  43. Gilje, p. 111.
  44. Barnes, pp. 18-19.
  45. Benjamin Franklin Papers-Yale.
  46. Morison, pp. 236-242; Gilkerson, p. 39.
  47. Cohen, p.111; Gilje, pp. 123; 144.
  48. Barnes, pp. 42-89.
  49. The Jeffersonian Cyclopedia, pp. 723-724.
  50. Barnes, p. 89; Morison, p. 355
  51. History of USS Alliance .
  52. Morison, p. 231; History of USS Alliance .
  53. Morison, p. 359; History of USS Alliance ; Barnes, p. 91
  54. Gilkerson, p. 59.
  55. History of USS Alliance .
  56. Ibid.
  57. Gilkerson, pp. 59-61; Barnes, pp. 20-21.
  58. Lewis, pp. 25, 38.
  59. Gilje, pp. 97-191, wherein Professor Gilje tells of the strange and sometimes convoluted adventures and misadventures of revolutionary era sailors.
  60. Odell, p 141.
  61. Randell Jones, Revolutionary North Carolina, Chapter 5, The War in the South (5.4), The Over-Mountain Men and the Battle of King's Mountain, North Carolina Digital History.
  62. William Nathan Jones, p. 281.
  63. Odell, p. 141.


        I am also grateful to my cousin Gordon Stokely, Jr. for his contributions as we worked to track down the elusive John Jehu Stokely, to document Old Jehu's service in the Revolutionary War, and to trace our ancestor's path from Wales in the United Kingdom into east Tennessee.





". . .He is bewildered -- an absent bewildered man --                        

an embarrassed mind. . ."        


John Adams, speaking of Pierre Landais (the French captain of Stokely's ship: the Alliance).


        John Jehu Stokely told his family some two centuries ago that he served under John Paul Jones on that evening in September 1779 when Jones, commanding the Bonhomme Richard, defeated and took as a prize of battle the British warship Serapis . Many in the family had assumed that Stokely was aboard Jones' flagship, the Bonhomme Richard, on that fateful evening, but I have been unable to locate any document that puts him aboard the Bonhomme Richard at any time. Instead, my research has shown to my satisfaction that Stokely was aboard the Alliance , on which he served as one of three surgeon's mates. The Alliance , named for the French/American alliance during the American colonies' War for Independence from Great Britain, was one of the four sailing vessels that comprised Jones' little Squadron in Filey Bay that September evening. The captain of the Alliance , a mentally disturbed Frenchman named Pierre Landais, played a pivotal and oft-disputed role in the Battle of Flamborough Head, as the fight between the Richard and the Serapis is officially called, and his actions in the weeks leading up to the engagement in Filey Bay were a source of concern to Jones and others. Landais' actions during the battle itself would seem to justify that concern. John Jehu Stokely, having served aboard the Alliance , was a witness to much of what transpired during the cruise and at the Battle of Flamborough Head. We know of no written record that Stokely may have left of his activities, thoughts, or observations at the time, but naval historians have endlessly dissected the Battle of Flamborough Head and are fairly consistent in their telling of the story of John Paul Jones' greatest victory. We trust that, by now, the written record of the movements of the vessels and the actions of their crews in Filey Bay is a reasonably accurate one. Those movements and actions are described herein as seen through the eyes of my g-g-g-g grandfather, John Jehu Stokely. But I fully expect, as new facts about the Battle of Flamborough Head are uncovered and Filey Bay eventually gives up the wreck of the Richard , that we will be treated to a plethora of revised accounts of what transpired off Flamborough Head on the evening of 23 September 1779.  

        What I have written about Stokely, from the time of his arrest by the British Crown for a minor offense until his incarceration aboard the rotting scow that was being used by the British as a prison ship near Savannah is based on my research and includes word of mouth passed down from Stokely himself and a reading of several documents that have become available. Stokely's name appears on the roster of the Alliance as of 3 October 1779, just days after the Battle of Flamborough Head. But everything from the time of his leaving the prison ship near Savannah until his appearance aboard the Alliance and his actions during the battle is a fictionalized account and is my best guess as to how he made his way from Georgia to Filey Bay to participate in John Paul Jones' greatest battle.


To Begin . . .


        John Jehu Stokely knew what was about to happen as the two vessels, each flying a British ensign, slowly closed the distance between them to less than 100 yards. But only one of the ships - the Serapis - actually served the British Crown. The other - the Bonhomme Richard - was an old French Indiaman, re-fitted as a combatant, and captained by a Scotsman who had adopted America's cause at an early age. It was about to engage one of the newest vessels in the British fleet and it was flying the British flag as an attempt at camouflage - a tactic commonly employed in the Age of Sail. Stokely had seen the pennants fluttering from the highest masts on the American captain's flagship directing the little squadron to form a line of battle and he had heard the snare drums' rattle across the water as they "beat to quarters," calling the flagship's crew to their battle stations. But the vessels in the rest of the squadron were not forming a line of battle as they had been signaled to do and in fact were drawing away, leaving the Bonhomme Richard , its maneuverability hampered by the idle winds that barely rippled the surface of Filey Bay, to face the approaching British man-o-war alone. Had they obeyed John Paul Jones and formed a line of battle, the Serpais would probably have been defeated in short order, the Bonhomme Richard would not have been lost, the casualty figure would not have approached such horrendous totals, and the Baltic Fleet would have been decimated.

        Jones had once described the vessel that was to become the Bonhomme Richard as too old to accept the modifications that would change it into a combatant, and he had expressed a wish to be in command of a better and faster ship. But, frustrated by the French bureaucracy and its forgotten promises of a vessel with which he might "alarm" the British coast, the young Scottish captain had eventually accepted the Duc de Duras and renamed it the Bonhomme (or Bon Homme) Richard to honor his patron, Benjamin Franklin, who was then America's Ambassador to Paris and a conduit to Jones. Once he was certain that the vessel was his, Jones immediately began preparing it for the mission he was about to undertake. He had rounded up a mixed crew for the old Indiaman (including Americans who had once been prisoners of the British), had turned it into a combatant, and had even enjoyed a degree of success after departing the anchorage at Groix Island south of L'Orient, France. Evidence of that success could be found in the Richard's hold. There, in those cramped and poorly lit confines at the bottom of the vessel, was crowded a large group of prisoners Jones had taken from the many prizes (enemy vessels) his squadron had seized since they had weighed anchor and broken out into the English Channel some five weeks earlier. John Paul had taken to heart Benjamin Franklin's instructions to capture as many British sailors as he could in the hope that these men could be exchanged for Americans then languishing in British prisons. Such an exchange would not be an easy matter, however, as the American colonies' War for Independence from the British was ongoing, and the British Crown regarded its American prisoners as little more than rebels or pirates. London was not inclined to acknowledge any degree of equality with British citizens.

        While the Richard was by far the largest vessel Jones had commanded, it was not a nimble handler, it was not particularly quick, and some had even called it a "tub." Indeed, the former merchantman's sluggishness had led Jones to give up the chase after he had failed to gain ground on several vessels he had hoped to seize as prizes. Jones never commanded a vessel fast enough to force battle upon a foe that chose to flee, and the Richard often trailed the other ships in his little squadron while circumnavigating the British Islands. The Richard fairly flew before a stiff breeze, but she was at her worst when the winds abated.  

        The British vessel, the Serapis - named for a Greco-Egyptian god - was a new frigate of His Majesty's service, it boasted 44 guns that threw a broadside approaching 300 pounds, its crew was well-trained, and it was captained by a seasoned veteran. In its wake, trailed the 22-gun, hired British sloop, Countess of Scarborough. These two ships of war were shepherding a fleet of merchantmen carrying supplies from Scandinavia for England's Navy. That fleet, eight days out from its point of origin and known as the Baltic Fleet, had arrived in Filey Bay en route to ports in southern England and was precisely what the captain of the converted Indiaman had been searching for. In fact, the primary goal of the fledgling American Navy was to intercept and generally disrupt British maritime operations. The Baltic Fleet, part of the supply chain that kept the British marine forces afloat, had been identified by several sources, including Jones himself, as the ultimate target of the little squadron. But those some 40 vessels had spotted the Scotsman's little squadron and were scurrying to shelter beneath the guns of Scarborough Castle, squatting atop the chalk cliffs rising high above Filey Bay's tiny western beaches.

        The captain of the Serapis, Richard Pearson , had been charged with protecting the Baltic Fleet and he was determined that the ships in his care should not be disrupted by an enemy force. He had signaled the Countess to join him and stand between the approaching squadron and the fleet, and the two vessels were now prepared to do battle if necessary. Jones, at the helm of the former Indiaman, was equally determined to go in harm's way, as he had put it, and that evening in Filey Bay he was seeking to achieve an even greater measure of glory. His reputation, after all, was of primary importance and, according to some, may have been more important to Jones than life itself. The encounter with the Serapis would be his moment. But Stokely, having seen the young Scottish captain's vessel and its aging timbers up close and having heard rumors that the vessel had once plied the waters of the Orient as a merchant ship, wondered if perhaps its captain was too confident of his abilities. It would be difficult to overstate the strategic genius of Captain John Paul Jones, but there was probably not a man among his crew who doubted that the British vessel, its armament, and its crew were all superior to what Jones was about to bring to the fight.  

        It was September of 1779 and John Stokely was aboard the Alliance - named in recognition of the Franco-American alliance during the colonies' War for Independence from Great Britain. It was the finest fighting ship that the colonies had yet produced. As his vessel tacked away from John Paul Jones' flagship and allowed the Bonhomme Richard to take the lead and begin the battle against the Serapis , Stokely thought that perhaps the captain of the Alliance had either misread or simply had not seen the pennants displayed by Jones. Or perhaps Captain Landais (Captain "Landy") had a battle plan. Maybe he intended to fight his way to a position from which he could send his crew swarming onto the top deck of the British vessel, or it could be that he intended to cross the opponent's "T" and rake the Serapis (fire down the length of the boat, which in the Age of Sail could prove devastating and could even lead to the end of the battle altogether). Or perhaps Captain Landais intended to brave the guns of Scarborough Castle and sail into the midst of the Baltic Fleet, hoping to capture a great number of prizes. Stokely noticed that the Alliance was lying well away from the point where the Richard and Serapis would likely meet, but he was too preoccupied with the coming fight to give more than a passing thought to his captain's battle plan. Whatever the case, Jones was left to challenge the Serapis alone and to hope that the Alliance would seize the first opportunity to enter the fight. With the Richard and the Serapis but a pistol shot from each other - barely 25 yards - Stokely could hear their captains shouting at one another - Pearson in the almost unintelligible and bombastic British style so commonly heard in his circles and Jones in the almost equally hard to decipher Scots dialect of his birthplace. Pearson, suspecting that he was about to face the notorious Jones, sought to elicit a response from the Richard's quarterdeck that would establish the identity of the dark-hulled intruder. At that moment, Jones dropped all pretenses and ran out his true colors - those of the Continental Navy - and the night erupted with the explosion of near-simultaneous broadsides as the battle began with "unremitting fury" (Jones' description).

        With the Alliance lying safely out of range of the Serapis' cannon, Stokely peered intently across the water as the distance between the Richard and Serapis finally closed and the battle was joined. He was serving as one of the three surgeons' mates on board the Alliance, a position that meant that he was probably of above average intellect and, accordingly, had likely received some basic medical training. Stokely was 32 years of age, the same as Jones, but his experiences of the last few months had left him with the look of a man 20 years older. It was a strange odyssey indeed that had brought him to this time and place. He had experienced months aboard a British sailing ship as a penalty for a minor offense committed while he was still in the country of his birth, and he had spent endless days laboriously hacking out space for a homestead in the colonial American wilderness. There were the battles he had engaged in as a foot soldier from North Carolina as he was prepared to give his life for the American cause if necessary, and this had cost him in the time he had spent as a prisoner of war in a rotting British hulk in a river near Savannah, Georgia. And now young Stokely, almost lost among the rigging and the yards of canvas towering high above him, had slipped away from his post and was about to witness what would be remembered as a battle for the ages.

        John Jehu Stokely had been born and raised in Wales but his life had taken an unexpected turn when, while probably in his late teens, he was arrested by British authorities after he had casually broken a branch from a shrub to use as a riding crop. The shrub was rooted on royal property, and the authorities had seized on this incident as a pretext to arrest young John and to sentence him to serve seven years as a crew member aboard a British sailing vessel. Arresting men for such minor offenses as Stokely had committed was one of the ways the British Crown could provide crews for its ships. There was nothing John could do at the time other than accept his sentence and go to sea. But, like many in his position, he watched and waited for the opportunity to escape his punishment and be free from the rigors of life aboard ship.

        Stokely's chance finally came when, after long months at sea, his vessel anchored in Charleston Harbor in the American colonies. Like many before and after him, he simply didn't return to the ship from a night of carousing in town, choosing instead to remain on land and take his chances in this vast, largely unexplored country. Anything but the British fleet, he thought! Young Stokely, being an experienced horseman, sought out the owner of a local corral, bargained successfully for a lean, healthy-looking chestnut stallion and said goodbye to Charleston. Intent on putting as much distance as possible between himself and the ship that had held him captive for so long, John rode inland and eventually found himself in central North Carolina. It was here among the whispering pines and gently sloping hills that young Stokely decided to settle and begin his new life.

        But all was not tranquil in Stokely's new surroundings. Although still under British rule, the colonies had a shadow government, they were restive, and there was much talk of freedom from British tyranny. There had been an incident in Boston involving tea, British taxes had been imposed in the colonies without consultation with those being taxed, and an old law had been resurrected by London that required the colonialists to house British soldiers in their homes. Many knew that war against the formidable British military was becoming inevitable, and the colonialists were readying themselves for the coming clash. Arms were being gathered, a young George Washington had assumed overall command of the colonies' ragtag forces, and a Continental Congress had sent a list of rights and grievances to the United Kingdom's King George III. The British sovereign responded by sending troops across the Atlantic to stamp out this insurrection, and the situation became irretrievable from that point.

        And so, war came. Young Stokely, nursing what would become a lifelong grudge against London for what he considered to have been his blatantly unwarranted sentencing for a minor offense committed while he was still in Wales, quickly volunteered to serve on the side of the colonies and soon became a member of the North Carolina militia. He later found himself with his mates at Briar Creek in eastern Georgia, where, intimidated by the sight of British bayonets and not willing to chance swimming across the nearby deep and swiftly moving Savannah River, he threw down his weapon and surrendered. Afterwards, he was taken down the river to a point south of Savannah and imprisoned aboard a decommissioned and rotting British prison scow that, in a former life, had been used to transport livestock. After only a few days aboard the reeking prison vessel -- although this one, given its condition, would likely never see blue water again - Stokely was approached by a recruiter for the British and offered the chance to escape the prison ship if he would agree to serve as a seaman aboard a British sailing ship. Not wanting to risk death or the ruination of his health by a lengthy imprisonment on the prison vessel, young John, like many colonialists before and after him, had accepted the enemy's offer and had taken an oath "only from the teeth out" to serve the British cause aboard a merchant vessel. But once aboard the British merchant ship in Savannah, Stokely slipped overboard one night and made a clean escape. Eager to put money into his pocket and to take revenge on the British for what he considered to have been a gross miscarriage of justice when he was still in the United Kingdom, he realized that both wishes could be satisfied if he would accept the offer from the owner of a privateer operating out of Charleston. Stokely quickly accepted the owner's offer and soon found himself on the high seas aboard a privateer, but a better-armed and faster British man-o-war easily chased down his vessel, seized the crew, and then sank their ship. Stokely and his shipmates were soon transferred to another British warship that would deposit the captured colonialists at Forton prison on the southern coast of England, where former privateers constituted the bulk of the prison population.

        John Jehu, despite the frequent threats of death at the hands of the Forton prison hangman, saw this development as but a temporary setback, and getting back to the colonies as a free man was never far from his mind. So he bided his time while confined, trusting that the colonies' War for Independence would not last forever, especially now that France had entered on the colonialists' side, and that he would eventually be either exchanged or freed altogether. He didn't try to escape confinement, despite a local churchman's offer of help in doing so; he didn't react to the abusive prison guards or participate in the frequent taunting of them; he participated in the classes that some of the inmates ran to relieve the boredom of captivity; and he generally sought to become invisible and establish a reputation that might conceivably result in an early release. And his efforts worked! In July, with help from Benjamin Franklin and John Paul Jones, a list of prisoners to be pardoned and then shipped to France as part of an exchange agreement for British prisoners was read aloud in the courtyard and Stokely's name was number 105 out of a total of 130. He felt something akin to guilt upon leaving behind some sailors who had spent far more time within Forton's walls than he, but not enough guilt to offer one of them his place on the cartel ship, as the exchange vessels were called. After a few days' delay, the cartel vessel finally embarked for the French town of Nantes, where Stokely was immediately presented with another option. Representatives from L'Orient and claiming to speak for John Paul Jones met with the former prisoners in Nantes and asked if those with experience at sea would like to serve as crew members aboard vessels that Jones would be sailing back to the American colonies.

        This was perfect for Stokely. Drawing upon his experience aboard British vessels he immediately decided to sign on with Jones in L'Orient. He had heard of Captain Jones and his exploits - exaggerated though they were - around these islands at the helm of the American-built vessel Ranger , he would never forget his earlier treatment at the hands of the British legal system, and he saw service with the young Scottish captain as a way to eventually return to the colonies. He and his mates soon found transport down to L'Orient, where Stokely was assigned duty as a surgeons' mate aboard the American frigate Alliance, which would join John Paul Jones for what was said to be a short cruise in the English Channel before setting sail for the colonies. Although the crews of warships during the Age of Sail normally knew little about the ships' destination or mission, Stokely had heard scuttlebutt that Jones' little squadron was at sea to create a diversion in order to draw attention away from a fleet made up of French and Spanish vessels that intended to seize control of the English Channel. That endeavor was sabotaged and eventually cancelled by an outbreak of disease aboard the notoriously unsanitary French ships. Little did Stokely know that he was destined to witness a battle that would be remembered for as long as stories of the American Navy are told.

        Stokely, now assigned duty aboard the Alliance , knew of London's obsession with Jones and he was aware of the clamor created by the Ranger when Jones was at its helm. John Paul, described by some as having a highly developed sense of grievance, had no structured military training, and was a fiercely ambitious and independent self-made man. The self-absorbed Jones was short-tempered and demanding. He was quick to take offense, he was a bit cocky, and in today's vernacular, did not suffer fools gladly. He was also of slight build and was no more than 5 feet, seven inches tall, and perhaps shorter. He was always well turned out, a fastidious dresser, and clean shaven with his hair gathered at the rear so that it fell down his back in the fashion favored by sailors in the Age of Sail. Jones loved women and was totally at home in the boudoir, according to Nathaniel Fanning. (Midshipmen Nathaniel Fanning served with Jones aboard the Richard , but his account of his time in the Revolutionary War has been sharply criticized and even discounted by some, especially as it regards Jones' character. It has also been alleged that Fanning is the source of some "unpleasant and untrue" stories about Jones. Curiously, some of Fanning's narrative has been accepted without explanation by the same sources who were quite critical of other parts of his story.) Jones, it appears, was a slave to his libido when ashore, and one might even describe him as a notorious ladies' man. He engaged in numerous affairs, he was not above enjoying the services of a lady of the evening, and, if accounts are to be believed, he had even frolicked with at least three married women and may have sired a son with one of them.

        Fanning also spoke of Jones' mercurial persona, telling us that the captain could be "passionate to the highest degree," even stamping his feet in frustration, one minute and then immediately afterwards be ready for reconciliation. This part of Jones' personality may have surfaced during the Battle of Flamborough Head when the captain, upon hearing members of his crew attempting to surrender the Richard, hurled a pistol at one man's head that knocked the unfortunate seaman to the deck, where he lay unconscious. Jones' "presence of mind never forsook him at the most critical times," Fanning tells us, but others have suggested that Jones' calm soft-spoken demeanor when not at sea may have belied what some have called his many insecurities. Perhaps he was overly conscious of his birth and very ordinary upbringing as he sought desperately to become a gentleman by studying gentlemen. John Adams saw in the young captain a "leprous vanity" and called him "the most ambitious and intriguing officer in the American Navy," while Thomas Jefferson, with whom Jones often communicated, was convinced that John Paul was just the officer to lead the fledgling Continental Navy (the celebrated sculptor, Jean-Antoine Houdon, created a lifelike bust of Jones, a copy of which sits on a shelf in Monticello in central Virginia). Jones himself realized that he was tactless and selfish, and even Benjamin Franklin had suggested that the young American would become a better commander by allowing others to receive some of the credit.

        The villain in this piece is Captain Pierre Landais, a disturbed Frenchman with a family history of naval service. He had refused assignment to what he regarded as a dead-end command in the French Navy before eventually leaving his native country's marine service in 1775 and coming to America at the helm of an American supply vessel. Hoping to become a naval version of the French aristocrat, Marquis de Lafayette, Landais had convinced certain influential Americans, including John Adams, of his qualifications. Samuel Adams, cousin to John, also succumbed, calling Landais a "master of his business" and he was instrumental in having the Frenchman appointed Captain of the Alliance. So Landais, regarded as a "bothersome eccentric" by some and later called "possibly the worst captain to ever command an American vessel," was at the helm of the finest ship in the fledgling American Navy when it left Boston for France with Lafayette on board. On orders from Benjamin Franklin, the Alliance remained in Europe and became a part of Jones' squadron.

        Stokely was ignorant of the enmity displayed toward Jones by Landais , at virtually every opportunity, but he had heard that Landais had been at fault when the Alliance and the Richard collided one evening while the squadron was out from L'Orient on an escort mission. He had also noticed that during their cruise around the British Islands en route to their date with history in Filey Bay, the Alliance and the Bonhomme Richard were often over the horizon from one another, despite Jones instructions to the contrary (of which Stokely probably had no knowledge). Despite the rumors of bad blood between Landais and Jones, Stokely rationalized that the distance between the two ships could be attributed to a desire on Jones' part to cover as much territory as possible and, therefore, seize the maximum number of prizes.

        Another reason for the divide separating Landais and Jones is provided by Nathaniel Fanning who maintained in his memoirs that Landais, while off the coast of Ireland, had failed to approach a large vessel close enough to identify it after being directed by Jones to do so. Landais, according to Fanning, declared to Jones that the ship was a British line-of-battle vessel and that he had not gone near enough to observe the ship's upper battery. Jones allegedly called Landais a coward for failing to approach the vessel, which, Fanning said, prompted a "most inveterate hatred" between the two captains for the remainder of the cruise. Fanning also maintained that this hatred surfaced at the most inopportune times (see the Battle of Flamborough Head). Fanning's declaration gains credence when one considers remarks by others that addressed Landais' alleged unwillingness to approach certain vessels because of the target vessels' superior armament. Crewmen aboard a fishing boat later told Jones that the vessel Landais had been ordered to investigate near Ireland was in fact a British East-Indiaman (a merchant vessel).

        Stokely also had no knowledge of the concordat (agreement) that had been almost literally forced upon Jones by the French in what was essentially a last-minute move before the little squadron sailed from L'Orient for its cruise around the British Islands . ( Had the concordat been introduced earlier, there is some question as to whether Jones would have signed it.) The captains of all of the vessels commanded by Jones were asked to affix their signatures to the concordat, which emphasized "common consent" among the captains. This arrangement, insisted upon by Paris and produced at the last moment by their Secretary of the Marine (who later expressed his misgivings about the concordat ), was a convoluted system that benefited no one and was best called a hierarchy of equals. But France had financed Jones' squadron and, in the opinion of many, had the right to dictate the terms under which it would sail. Jones, against his better judgment, agreed to this bizarre arrangement but later declared that he had "dishonored" his hand when he signed it . He was also advised to sign the French document by Jacques-Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont, a major contributor to the American cause who has been called "The French Father of the American Revolution" and who had been instrumental in the refitting of the ship that was to become the Bonhomme Richard . The concordat would have a deleterious effect on Jones' control over the other captains of his little squadron, but the Scotsman was eager to get to sea, which probably contributed in no small measure to his agreeing to the concordat.

        Landais, like the French captains of the other vessels in the little squadron, had interpreted quite liberally the terms of the concordat, but Landais went further. Emboldened by the terms of the agreement they had all signed and suffering from the machinations of what was ultimately judged to be a diseased mind, Landais had almost come to blows with Jones during a private meeting and had even challenged the Scottish captain to a duel (Landais, alleged to be a master or the small sword, did in fact engage the Captain of the Pallas in a duel and severely injured his countryman). On another occasion and in front of witnesses, Landais, angry with Jones because the Scotsman had forbidden him to give chase to a vessel (a potential prize) close to an unfamiliar shore, spoke to Jones "in the most gross and insulting terms" and insisted that he would chase "wherever he thought proper, and in every other matter." He steadfastly ignored Jones' orders, refused to acknowledge his authority, and made a habit of simply sailing away and remaining absent for days until it suited him to rejoin the Richard.

        When Jones' ships had reached the waters southwest of Ireland near Dingle Bay, the Alliance separated itself from the squadron, sailed away, and did not rejoin the Richard until days later when the vessels were within sight of the Outer Hebrides and about to round the northern tip of Scotland. At this point, Jones ordered Captain Landais to come aboard the Richard for a conference, which Landais flatly refused to do. Afterwards, Stokely observed Landais stalking about the Alliance's quarterdeck, obviously in a foul mood and muttering to himself about that upstart captain of the Richard who was not even an American citizen. Landais was quite proud that he had been made an honorary citizen of Massachusetts by that state's legislature and he often boasted that he was "the only American" among the captains of Jones' squadron . (Jones, although certainly devoted to the American cause at this point, had been born in Scotland. This, in addition to Landais' fragile mental state, may help explain the attitude displayed by the captain of the Alliance (a Frenchman) toward Jones (a Scotsman.) After refusing Jones' order to come aboard the Richard , Landais took the Alliance and promptly left the squadron again. The Alliance did not reappear until the morning of September 23, the date of the encounter between the Richard and Serapis in Filey Bay. With the Alliance's arrival, the little squadron was once again intact and began cruising the target-rich waters of Filey Bay in search of additional prizes.

        Having arrived in Filey Bay aboard the Alliance, Stokely gazed across the water as the Richard and Serapis exchanged thunderous opening broadsides. The combatants were so close together by this time that virtually every shot hit home. Stokely's heart sank as he realized that there had been an explosion aboard Jones' vessel that had ripped a chunk out of the ship's starboard side just above the waterline. The explosion had occurred inside the Richard's gun room, which now resembled nothing so much as a butcher's shop. The dead and the dying lay about the shattered room, body parts and pieces of flesh were plastered to the walls, and the entire scene appeared to have been tinged red by some macabre artist. Jones, perceiving that at least one of the six aging 18-pounders he had reluctantly accepted from the French had burst and was responsible for the carnage, ordered the gun room abandoned, placing the Richard at a disadvantage that was further exacerbated when Jones ordered that no attempt should be made to fire the remaining 18-pounders.

        Stokely felt a sense of dismay as the Serapis, out sailing the Richard "by two feet to one" according to Fanning, continued to hurl cannon balls at the now-severely outgunned American boat. The British man-o-war was literally riddling the opposing craft, making a shambles of Jones' fine cabin at the stern of the Richard and sending body parts flying. The Richard's pumps were falling further behind as they sought to stay ahead of the waters rushing in through the holes created by the Serapis' cannon fire, and many of the guns of Jones' vessel were out of action. Stokely could see that the Richard , less than one hour into the battle, was already in danger of sinking! Jones also knew this and his mind raced as he sought to change the equation so that his vessel had at least a fighting chance. The Richard would surely be lost if Captain Pearson were allowed to stand off and bombard the old Indiaman with a seemingly endless barrage of cannon balls. Jones' first thought was to lay his ship alongside the Serapis , let the extra men he had sent to the fighting platforms (the "tops") attached to the masts high above the Richard's deck clear their counterparts from the opposing vessel's tops and then direct their fire downward toward the enemy's decks. A boarding of the Serapis could then be attempted. If Jones could accomplish this then the superior firepower of the British man-o-war could be neutralized, which conceivably would have resulted in a victory for the Richard and her captain. But when the grappling hooks tossed aboard the Serapis were cut away by the British crew, Jones abandoned the plan to board and recalled the few crewmen from the Richard who were about to leap onto the Serapis ' deck. A boarding would have to wait. ( Jones' foresight in sending extra men aloft onto the fighting platforms was the first of several actions that impacted directly the outcome of the battle. In this case, the extra marksmen eventually cleared the Serapis ' tops of musket men, which allowed William Hamilton to scoot out on a yardarm and drop a grenade through an open hatchway on the Serapis. )

        Minutes later the equation changed dramatically. During some deft maneuverings as each captain sought to put his ship in position to rake the other, the fickle breeze on Filey Bay caused the bow sprit of the Serapis to engage the mizzen shrouds (rear sails) on the Richard, and the rigging of the two vessels became entangled. Although the battle scene was virtually obscured within the yellowish cloud that had developed about the combatants, Stokely thought he could make out two figures on the Richard immediately hurry to lash the two vessels together in an embrace from which neither could escape and which negated the advantage the Serapis had enjoyed. It was an elated Jones, with the help of his profane Sailing Master, who had rushed to bind the two ships together. ( This action by Jones and his Sailing Master, which kept the Serapis from standing off and probably sinking the Richard with cannon shot, is another of the developments that directly affected the outcome of the battle. )

        Stokely now witnessed a scene that was both bizarre and ultimately decisive. Pearson, hoping to free his ship so that he could resume his cannonading of the badly damaged Richard and bring an end to a firefight that had already gone on far too long, dropped an anchor. He expected his vessel to be abruptly halted and that the Richard would be carried free of the Serapis by the outgoing tide. But dropping the anchor led ultimately to the loss of Pearson's vessel. The ships were now bound fore and aft. One of the Serapis' anchors had lodged in the Richard's mizzen chains, and Jones' actions in lashing the Serapis' bow sprit to the Richard's poop deck ensured that the vessels would remain bound together. So, as the Richard was tugged northward by the tide, the anchored Serapis refused to let it drift free. Jones' vessel, the groaning of its protesting seams clearly audible to Stokely across the water, swung back in a half circle until it lay snuggled close beside the British man-o-war. The two ships were now positioned on a north-south axis but facing in opposite directions with their starboard cannon muzzles almost touching and their foresails and mainsails entangled. Even though Jones was a master at close-quarters combat, Stokely could hardly believe that this was what the young Scotsman wanted. But this was perfect for the Jones. Since the port guns of the Serapis' could no longer be brought to bear on the Richard , the British Ship's advantage in firepower had been reduced. The extra marksmen that Jones had ordered aloft soon gained the advantage over their opposite number and were even able to drive the few men left on the Serapis ' top deck from their posts. Pearson himself had been forced to scurry for shelter.

        And the overwrought gunners in the gun rooms, unmindful that they were now staring death in the face, continued to fire at point-blank range, sending iron balls crashing into the hulls and bulkheads of the vessel riding less than ten feet away and adding to the roiling cloud of flame-red smoke that made it hard to distinguish friend from foe. But as the cannonading continued, the Richard was still getting the worst of it, eventually having all of its main battery either disabled or dismounted and losing almost half of its gun crews. The Richard had only three of its nine-pounders still operable, and Jones was now on the quarterdeck directing the fire from one of those small cannon against the yellow mainmast of the Serapis as he sought to bring it down and render that vessel incapable of leaving the scene. The Serapis ' gun crews, sensing that the Richard was near to sinking, had deflected their large guns downward and were now throwing shot through the opponent's bottom, creating even larger h oles at and below the waterline. Stokely could only guess at exactly what was happening across the water, as the cloud thrown up by the battle now enveloped both combatants and made it nearly impossible to distinguish one ship from the other.

        Landais, choosing this moment to bring the Alliance into the fight, directed his ship toward the spot where the Richard and Serapis were locked in mortal combat. Its bellowed sails glistening in the reflected glow of a harvest moon low on the eastern horizon, the Alliance loomed out of the darkness like a ghost ship. From a position that was under no threat from the Serapis' idle port battery, the Alliance began launching broadsides toward the spot where the Richard and Serapis were bound together. To the shock of Stokely and of those aboard the Richard, Captain Landais was raking both vessels with grape shot, doing considerably more damage to the Richard and its crew than to the Serapis . ( Although Captain Pearson in his recounting of the battle, declared that the Alliance had caused many casualties among the crew of the Serapis , there is little if any evidence that the Alliance did even a fraction of the damage claimed by Pearson. And the crew of the Richard testified as a group that they believed the Alliance was intentionally targeting their vessel .) Jones declared in his account of the action that the Alliance, safely out of range of the Serapis' guns, continued its barrage as it rounded the scene of the battle, creating additional holes below the Richard's waterline, all the while apparently ignoring the shouts from the Richard's crew that it was firing on the wrong ship. As Jones' crew hurried to hang the night recognition signals for Landais' benefit, the Alliance circled the battle scene then glided silently northward and vanished into the darkness, only to return later to throw additional metal into the Richard and remove any doubts as to which vessel was being targeted. As the Alliance had rounded the two vessels, Stokely found that from that position he could easily distinguish one ship from the other, and the clear difference in the profiles and coloring of the Richard and Serapis led him to suspect that the rumors of bad blood between Landais and Jones were something more than idle sailors' gossip. He was now convinced that Landais had deliberately targeted the Richard . Indeed, some of Stokely's shipmates who manned the guns later told him that, upon seeing that their shots would likely strike the Richard , they withheld their fire so as not to damage Jones' flagship or injure its crew.

        With darkness having fallen, the scene was awash in the glow of a near-full harvest moon. Young Stokely, suspecting that the crew of one of the vessels had attempted a boarding, could hear the cries of the mortally wounded clinging desperately to life. The slicing ring of a hundred swords was clearly audible to Stokely as they clashed, cut through sinew and bone, and spilled combatants' blood upon the decks, where they formed into rivulets that washed entrails and pieces of human flesh from one side of the decks to the other. Both vessels were afire, the Richard was taking on more water and settling, the tattered sails of each ship hung limply, and the yellowish cloud that shrouded the combatants, when combined with the moon's reflected light, illuminated the spectacle for several hundred townsfolk gathered atop the chalk cliffs that overlook Filey Bay at Flamborough Head from the west. But the hundreds of onlookers who had gathered atop the hillocks rising atop Flamborough Head did not know what to make of a third vessel, which was flying American colors but at times appeared to be in league with the Serapis , as it circled the scene of the conflict and loosed broadsides into the fire-spitting yellow cloud that enveloped the combatants. But Jones entertained no such doubts. Based on previous encounters with the disturbed Captain Landais of the Alliance , he was certain that he and his boat were the targets and that any damage to the British vessel or its crew was purely incidental. The man is a traitor as well as a coward , he thought. So Jones was dealing with two adversaries now, which only made the fierce young Scotsman even more determined. He would settle with Landais later.

        The citizens observing the scene on Filey Bay had heard about the bloodthirsty pirate Jones, and now, having been told that the villainous Jones had been challenged by a British man-o-war, they had rushed to the cliffs and were seeing firsthand what war was like. The British war with the colonies, although strategically deadlocked at the time, was but something they had simply read about, and their sons and husbands were fighting and dying for the Crown against a bunch of rabble thousands of miles away across the Atlantic Ocean. But Jones had brought the war to their doorsteps. Many of those opposing the British troops in that distant land had sailed away from the treatment they had endured under the British yoke and were seeking to establish a totally new nation as different from the United Kingdom as they could make it. Thanks mainly to the opposition press in Great Britain and certain pamphleteers, Jones was known and feared all over England as "the pirate," and Stokely had seen the numerous lurid handbills in which Jones was depicted prominently as a bloodthirsty brigand with several pistols tucked into his waistband. The mere mention of the young Scottish captain's name struck fear in the hearts of Britons, and many wives and children were sent far from the coastline to avoid the "arch pirate," as he was also called. If it was Jones' intent to spread alarm along the coastlines of the British Islands then he had succeeded remarkably well. London was nearly hysterical when talking of the American captain's exploits and of what he might yet accomplish, but the general British population, according to some, saw Jones as something of a Robin Hood figure.

        It seemed to the citizens watching from atop the cliffs that Jones' vessel was overmatched and would inevitably be forced to ask for quarter. Indeed, many of the observers were convinced that the sails and yardarms of the Richard were ablaze throughout the battle. In fact, each of the crews, as if by common consent, periodically found it necessary to halt the carnage long enough to fight the flames that threatened to engulf their ships. Captain Pearson, reflecting afterwards upon the battle, described how flames had erupted from ten or twelve spots at the same time aboard the Serapis , and Jones, in his report to Benjamin Franklin, told how fire had broken out at several places aboard both vessels.

        The end came quickly. Stokely, now that the Alliance was once again at a safe distance from the battle scene, was unable to identify one combatant from the other but he saw the cloud that enveloped the two suddenly brighten, heard a muffled series of explosions, and observed a number of apparently panicked sailors, their clothes and even their hair on fire, leaping from the deck of one ship into the waters of Filey Bay. They were trying to escape the scorching flames that were left after a series of explosions had run along their vessel's lower gun deck, dismounting some of the larger guns and spreading havoc among the gun crews. A number of gunners had been killed, others had been badly wounded, and several were wandering about it a stupor, their flesh falling from their bones. Many thought that the ship's powder magazine had been hit and feared that the entire vessel was about to explode. The explosions had been aboard the Serapis .

        The explosions were the direct result of an action taken by a Scotsman named William Hamilton. Since the Serapis ' tops had been largely cleared of British marksmen, Hamilton was able to scoot out along the Richard's yardarm carrying a leather bucket of baseball-size grenades until he was directly over the Serapis. Spying a partially open hatch, he then began trying to drop one of the sputtering grenades through the opening. One of the grenades fell through, bounced once or twice, and came to rest against a pile of powder cartridges left just behind the large cannons by the hard-working powder monkeys (small boys). The grenade exploded, triggering the subsequent blasts that so devastated the lower gun deck and prompted several gunners to leap into the Bay.

        Captain Pearson, seeing these fiery explosions and the carnage they had unleashed, realized that the Baltic Fleet was by now safely sheltered beneath the guns of Scarborough Castle and that he was facing a commander who was never going to strike his colors even though the Richard was barely afloat. ( This is another of the key developments that helped decide the outcome of the battle. By all rights, Jones should have given up a ship that eventually sank. ) Pearson concluded that he had done his duty and that, with several of Jones' warships standing by and ready to close if necessary on the British man-o-war, even more casualties among his crew were to be avoided. Steeped in a culture that allowed a ship's captain to halt a battle if the fight's continuation would only result in unnecessary losses, Pearson called for quarter, ripped his ensign from its staff, and surrendered to Jones, a move with which apparently not all of the Serapis' officers agreed. Pearson had indeed done his duty, as not a single vessel of the Baltic Fleet had been lost. So in the end, Jones emerged as the victor, despite having commanded a decidedly inferior vessel.

        Stokely could hardly believe what he had just witnessed. Jones' had a fearsome reputation, to be sure, but because of the obvious superiority of the British vessel over the lumbering former merchantman, he had given the Richard virtually no chance. He had watched as Pearson's ship, pouring on a barrage of 18-pound cannon balls (some say upwards of 100 were hurled by the Serapis ), had reduced the Richard to little more than a battered raft -- a shell of its former self. Fires were breaking out all over Jones' ship, what was left of the Richard's sails hung limply, and some of the Serapis ' cannon balls, encountering no resistance, were passing right through the Richard and falling into the water far beyond. Apparently, John Paul had meant what he said when he declared, in response to Pearson's query as to whether Jones had asked for quarter, "I may sink, but I'll be damned if I'll strike." (What Jones actually said has been a subject of much discussion, but most historians agree that he did not say: "I have not yet begun to fight." Many have suggested that, "I may sink, but I'll be damned if I'll strike" is closer to what Jones actually said. Jones himself reported that he had responded "In the most determined negative." The "I have not yet begun to fight" quote came from Lt. Richard Dale, who gave his account of the battle some 44 years after the fact.) The American captain had given no thought to surrendering his ship and was apparently willing to see the waters of Filey Bay lapping over the decks of the Richard if the alternative was giving up his flagship. Pearson, it appears, came to realize that Jones was never going to yield.

        And so the battle came to an end after some four hours, and Jones saw to it that the American pennant soon fluttered from the highest point on each of the combatants. The captains of the other vessels in Jones' little squadron, although somewhat incredulous, saw the pennants and brought their ships to where the gutted Richard, now separated from the Serapis and looking for all the world like a derelict vessel, awaited. What they saw defied description. The situation aboard the British frigate was frightful - the dead and dying littered the decks in piles, blood was over one's shoe tops in several places, sails and spars were cut away, fires still smoldered, and the bloodied ship's surgeon was still working to save those that he could. Severed limbs lay about, and some of those who had lost limbs to a surgeon who had to work far too quickly and without morphine had to have their horrendous wounds attended to again in order to prevent a worsening of their condition. Some of the most horribly wounded would eventually die from painful infections.

        Conditions aboard the Richard were even worse. Captain Pearson, invited to what was left of Jones' cabin for a post-battle glass of wine, was stunned by what he saw aboard Jones' vessel; he wrote that the Richard was in the "greatest distress" and spoke of the "tremendous scenes of carnage, wreck and ruin" that appeared everywhere. The timbers of the lower deck were "mangled beyond my description," he wrote, and he noted that only an old timber here and there kept the poop deck from crashing down on the gun deck. Midshipman Fanning later said, in describing one particularly wide breach, that, "one might have driven in with a coach and six" (a reference to a carriage pulled by six horses). Stokely, having come across from the Alliance to help tend to the casualties, saw that the Richard's large rudder was hanging by a single hook. He also noted the several feet of water in the hold and observed that Filey Bay was still pouring in and gaining ground on the pumps. Jones later wrote that "a person must have been an eye witness to form an idea of this tremendous scene of carnage, wreck and ruin that everywhere appeared. Humanity cannot but recoil from the prospect of such finished horror."

        Stokely, still puzzled by the actions of Captain Landais and the Alliance during the last phases of the engagement, also helped some of the crewmen from other ships in the little squadron as they extinguished the smoldering fires, plugged leaks, and heaved the Richard's larger guns overboard in an attempt to keep her afloat. They also committed many of the night's fatalities to the deep, tended to the wounded as best they could, and generally sought to make the old Indiaman seaworthy so that Jones might sail or even tow her to the neutral Dutch roadstead of Texel. But the Richard was too badly damaged to remain afloat. Jones, finally accepting that his riddled flagship could not remain on the surface much longer, seized the moment and ordered that the ship be outfitted in her finest and that everybody and anything worth saving be taken off the Richard and be put aboard the other vessels standing by. John Paul took his flag on board the defeated Serapis and, on the morning of 25 September, viewed the Richard's final moments from the British man-o-war's quarterdeck. The aging and horribly ravaged Richard , outfitted with a full complement of sails, a new ensign at the stern, and with pennants flying rolled heavily and sank.

        And so the waters of Filey Bay enveloped the Bonhomme Richard , and John Paul Jones' reputation was secured. John Jehu Stokely had been a witness as Jones had refused to accept defeat and had forced a much-superior British man-o-war to strike its colors. But other British warships were en route to the scene of Jones' greatest triumph, so Jones had to leave the scene quickly. Lingering in the Bay just long enough to witness the last throes of the Richard and to erect a new mast for the ravaged Serapis, Jones, at the helm of the Serapis, led the Countess of Scarborough and the three remaining vessels of his little squadron across the North Sea to safe harbor at the Dutch port of Texel.



  The primary sources consulted while assembling this story are all in agreement on the particulars of Jones' cruise out of L'Orient, France, and on the progress of the Bonhomme Richard's engagement with the British man-o-war, Serapis. All of those sources, except for Nathaniel Fanning's memoirs that were published in 1808 and Jones' account of the events described herein that he provided to Benjamin Franklin on 3 October 1779, are listed in the bibliography that accompanies Part II ( John Jehu Stokely and John Paul Jones ) on this website.

We are fortunate too that Jones was a prolific writer and that he recorded just about everything of consequence that happened to him during his naval career.



And what about the key players in this little drama?


        John Jehu Stokely was back in the American colonies in less than two years, but we have been unable to identify the vessel on which he returned. He married Nancy Neil sometime in 1780, moved from North Carolina to Cocke County in eastern Tennessee to take possession of a grant awarded him for his service in the Revolutionary War, eventually fathered eight children, and became the patriarch of hundreds of Stokelys scattered throughout America and beyond. Among those hundreds can be found leaders in almost every field of endeavor. "Old Jehu," as he was known to his descendants, died in 1820 and is buried in an unmarked grave deep in the forest between the French Broad River and Dry Fork Road east of Del Rio, Tennessee. The author of this article is one of the g-g-g-g grandsons of John Jehu Stokely.  

        Pierre Landais was removed from command of the Alliance and summoned to Paris by Benjamin Franklin to account for his actions before and during the Battle of Flamborough Head. He later returned from Paris to L'Orient and with the aid of Arthur Lee (who, according to John Henry Sherburne, was "unquestionably wrong" in this matter) reclaimed the captaincy of the Alliance while Jones was otherwise occupied. Landais eventually embarked from France for America as captain of the Alliance , but his erratic behavior during the voyage led to his being forcibly removed as captain (a mutiny). He was later convicted at a courts martial of being unfit for command and dismissed from further service in the American Navy. Landais remained in America for some years before returning to France and (inexplicably) gaining a flag command. He maintained until the end of his days that it was the Alliance's broadsides that had led to the surrender of the Serapis in Filey Bay. He retired in 1793, returned to New York and lived in poverty during the last years of his life, all the while attempting to extract prize money from the U.S. Congress for enemy vessels captured during his time with John Paul Jones. According to an inscription in Saint Patrick's Cathedral in New York, he "disappeared" in 1818 at age 87, but other sources claim that he died in Bellevue Hospital in September of 1820 at age 89. He is interred in a graveyard at Saint Patrick's.


        The above paragraph contains the essentials of Landais' life after his cruise with John Paul Jones, but the Frenchman's actions before and during the Battle of Flamborough Head and reactions to them require further comment. What follows (and it is but a partial list of the complaints against Landais) was extracted from letters and documents contained in John Henry Sherburne's Life of John Paul Jones and from the writings of other historians.

        1. Benjamin Franklin sent a letter to Landais accusing the Frenchman of being "imprudent, litigious, and quarrelsome" and declaring that he would not give a ship to Landais if he had 20 ships to give. Franklin also said that, "quiet and subordination are impossible where you (Landais) preside." He also instructed Jones to arrest Landais if necessary.

        2. Jones separately called Landais either a "fool or a madman" for firing upon the Richard while that vessel was lashed to the Serapis . He also accused Landais of possessing a "narrow and jealous mind" and of having inflicted the shots underwater that caused the Richard the most distress. Jones, in another dispatch, accused Landais of pretending he was authorized to act independently of Jones and accused the French Captain of "base and unpardonable" conduct that was "highly criminal."  

        3. Lt. Richard Dale, one of the officers aboard the Richard , declared that the Alliance "as usual" had disregarded private signals just before the commencement of the Battle of Flamborough Head and that Landais' vessel had later poured "repeated broadsides" into the Richard.  

        4. Landais allegedly told a countryman that it had been his intent to put the Richard out of action, capture the Serapis, haul it and the Richard into port, and claim the victory.  

        5. The officers of the Richard and some from the other vessels in Jones little squadron signed a list of some 25 charges against Landais that outlined his erratic behavior during the cruise around the British Islands and at the Battle of Flamborough Head.  

        6. Landais, in a pamphlet published in 1787 in New York, attempted unsuccessfully to explain away all of his questionable actions while in America's service. Some historians have sought to explain Landais' actions by saying that the Frenchman did not have malignant intent but was probably merely confused.  

        7. A Midshipman aboard the Richard, although perhaps influenced by Jones (his commanding officer), concluded that Landais' "principal objective was to kill Captain Jones and cause the Richard to strike . . ."  

        8. John Adams, after dining with Landais, wrote that, ". . .There is in this man an inactivity and an indecision that will ruin him. He is bewildered -- an absent, bewildered man -- an embarrassed mind."


        Richard Pearson may have gained more from losing the Battle of Flamborough Head than did Jones for winning it. Pearson was lauded for "doing his duty" and saving the Baltic Fleet, and he was eventually knighted for his role in the battle. Possibly as a result of his own version of the battle , especially his tale of having to defend against "two" vessels (the Alliance was the second), he was acquitted at a British courts martial and lauded for having done "infinite credit" to himself against a "superior force." Some have interpreted Pearson's distortions as deliberate, but the British Government nevertheless used his version of events, "to give this affair a color not reconcilable with the facts" and, ". . .not to be admitted if it could be otherwise represented." Among the many honors he received was a magnificent silver vase from a Russian company in gratitude for his saving the Baltic Fleet from heavy loss. Pearson displayed a "surly discourtesy" toward Jones after the encounter with the Richard , even refusing for a time to accept the return of some personal items because Jones was involved. The officers of the Royal Navy - Pearson's comrades in arms - were especially vicious in their attacks against Jones, as they sought to rationalize how an 18-pounder two-decked vessel could have been taken by a 12-pounder vessel with an abortive battery of six 18-pounders. Richard Pearson died in 1805.

        John Paul Jones became the toast of all of Europe after his victory over Serapis . He was feted by every level of society, his bust was done by the preeminent sculptor of the time (Houdon), and the French King, Louis XVI, presented him with a gold-hilted sword. Beautiful women threw themselves at him, which may have led Jones to concentrate his attention on matters that were decidedly un-naval and to extend his stay in the French capital. The British media were scathing in their treatment of Jones, printing some of the most salacious rumors and outright fabrications about the captain's character and habits . Calling him a drunkard and a frequent patron of ladies of the evening were some of the milder accusations. (Fanning tells us that Jones never drank anything stronger than the occasional glass of wine after dinner, but the charges involving ladies of the evening are not so easily dismissed). Jones departed L'Orient on 18 December 1780 as captain of the Ariel , another French vessel. After weathering a violent storm and putting down an incipient mutiny among certain members of his crew, he eventually dropped anchor in Philadelphia on 18 February 1781. Later, John Paul was nearing promotion to Rear Admiral, but some enemies of Jones and some other naval officers argued with the American Congress against the promotion and it was denied. Jones began to fall from favor in America and he eventually found passage back to Paris, where he remained for more than three years, all the while longing for a return to a blue-water command. With the War for Independence having ended, America had yet to build its Navy, so Jones accepted an assignment to Catherine the Great's Russia and received his long-sought promotion to Rear Admiral. Entangled in the web spun by Catherine's sycophants and hangars on, Jones was denied recognition of his exploits in the Russian Navy and was eventually ostracized by everyone, including Catherine herself. He left Russia late in the summer of 1789, shunned and in disgrace, much to the delight of the British hierarchy. ( Certain historians have been accused of having a "flair for the dramatic" when telling of Jones' life and career. Others have been criticized for including "fictions and forgeries" and for otherwise taking liberties with the facts in their biographies of Jones. ) Jones wandered for a year and considered joining the Swedish Navy, but in July of 1792, then living in Paris and weakened after several bouts with pneumonia and suffering from kidney failure, Jones succumbed. The body was saturated with alcohol and placed in a lead-lined coffin, preserved in this fashion should a more enlightened American Government someday wish to reclaim Jones' remains. Over 100 years after Jones' death, President Theodore Roosevelt arranged to have the Scotsman's body returned to America with honors. Jones' casket was recovered from a pauper's cemetery in Paris and brought back to America in April 1906. And then, in January of 1913, his remains were finally laid to rest in a magnificent marble sarcophagus beneath the chapel at the Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland. The much-treasured gold-hilted sword given to him by Louis XVI of France was placed near Jones' final resting place.








nother interesting story related by Americus Jehu Stokely to Lady Ruth Webb Odell in March 1938 has to do with the appearance of the name “Royal” in almost every Stokely generation. Old John Jehu Stokely, according to Americus Jehu, told the family that a Stokely ancestor was a key player when the so-called Spanish Armada sought to invade England in the summer of 1588. This would have been some 160 years, or about 6 or 7 generations before Old Jehu was born. According to Old Jehu, this ancestor may have been an admiral and his name may have been Samuel Stokely.


Queen Elizabeth I ( Unknown Artist )

Queen Elizabeth I

In the background are scenes depicting the defeat of the Spanish Armada.

        (Author's Note: Others researching the Stokely family should exercise care on this point, as some have postulated that a Samuel Stokely may have been John Jehu Stokely's father. It may well be that Jehu's father was named Samuel, but I believe that the appearance of the name “Samuel” can be traced to the story about Samuel Stokely [probably Stockley] having been present at the time of the invasion by the Spanish Armada.)

        In any event, the Spanish Armada was repulsed (the weather played a key role), as historians have well documented, and Queen Elizabeth The First was said to have been so pleased with the exploits of Samuel Stokely during this time of national emergency that she rewarded him by making him a baron and by giving him the hand of her first cousin in marriage. Royal blood has flowed in Stokely veins ever since this union, it is said, and each branch of the family names a son “Royal” so that the story is kept fresh.

        The following is an excerpt from the speech given by Elizabeth The First to her troops at Tilbury in 1588 as they prepared to defend against the Spanish invaders. Queen Elizabeth said, ". . . I know already, for your forwardness you have deserved rewards and crowns; and We do assure you in the word of a prince, they shall be duly paid you. . ." The historical record, therefore, confirms that Queen Elizabeth The First did in fact promise rewards to certain of her subjects who played key roles in turning away the Spanish fleet in 1588, so the family story as told by John Jehu Stokely has a ring of truth to it.








The Stokely Brothers

Anna Eliza Rorex Stokely and her family. Anna is seated, third from left. Three of her sons, George, John M., and William B. Stokely (L-R) are standing in back row; Jehu T. and James R. Stokely (L-R) are seated. ( Collection of Sally M. Burnett ).


        John B. Stokely, another of the many John Stokelys that can be found on the branches of my family tree, was the father of the five boys who, with their mother, began the Stokely canning operation. John B. Stokely was a great-grandson of the first John Jehu Stokely and a distant cousin of mine. John B.'s father was Jehu Stokely II, who in turn was the son of John Jehu Stokely, Jr., one of the sons of the first John Jehu Stokely. John B. Stokely married Anna Rorex in 1872, fathered five boys and three girls with her, but then died tragically, of typhoid fever, in 1890.


        Upon her husband's death, Anna was left with vast acreage of fertile river-bottom farmland along the French Broad River in Jefferson County, Tennessee, and with at least eight children. The five boys, Will, James, John, Jehu, and George, helped their mother operate the farm and they achieved their college educations by leaving home for school one at a time and one year apart, starting with Will when he was 18. The five boys eventually all returned home and, at James' suggestion, the family embarked on a modest canning business that over the years developed into one of the nation's largest such enterprises, becoming a $100-million-per-year business by the year 1950 and, notably, the primary bottler of the sports drink Gatorade. The family established the home plant of Stokely Brothers in Newport, Tennessee. Over the years the plant purchased thousands of bushels of produce harvested by farmers in the region and provided employment for hundreds of local families. Stokely Brothers has changed ownership a number of times and, as of 2010, was the property of Con-Agra. George Stokely, who became the Mayor of Newport when he was only 32, died along with his mother in 1916 when a train struck their automobile. James Rorex Stokely, Jr., Anna's grandson, married noted writer Wilma Dykeman in 1940.








Wilma Dykeman Stokely

Wilma Dykeman Stokely

        The prominent novelist, essayist, historian, environmentalist, and social activist Wilma Dykeman Stokely (1920-2006) was a distant cousin of mine through her marriage to James Rorex Stokely, Jr., a grandson of Anna Rorex and the son of one of the original five Stokely brothers of canning factory fame. Wilma, described as a seminal force in Appalachian literature and as a bridge between fellow Asheville native Thomas Wolfe and the current generation of Appalachian writers, died in December of 2006. Her book The French Broad is a favorite of mine, but she wrote many other books and papers chronicling the lives and experiences of the people of Appalachia and the land that shaped them. Ms. Dykeman, who used her maiden name in her writings, was named the Tennessee state historian in 1981.




Grace Moore

Mary Willie Grace Moore

        Grace Moore (1901-1947), who became one of the premier operatic sopranos of her day and who has been called the most famous soprano in the world between 1930 and 1938, was born near Slabtown and was a great-great-great-grand daughter of John Jehu Stokely. Mary Willie Grace Moore's mother was Tessie Stokely, who was the daughter of William Russell Stokely. William was the son of John H. Stokely, who was the son of David Royal Stokely, who was the first son of John Jehu Stokely. Grace, who was therefore a distant cousin of mine and, according to some who knew her, one of the biggest tomboys you could ever hope to meet, was an internationally-applauded performer who starred on the stage and in films. She died an untimely death in January of 1947 when her plane fell back to earth shortly after departing the airport in Copenhagen, Denmark. Her death prompted a national day of mourning in the United States, and a commemorative marker has been installed alongside Route 107 near Nough (Slabtown) marking the place of her birth. Grace's autobiography, published in 1944, is entitled, "You're Only Human Once," and she may be seen in any of the several movies in which she starred during her meteoric career. Grace's life story was made into a movie in 1953 entitled So This is Love and starring Katherine Grayson.





        Robert Evan Lee, the author of the three-part article that appears above, is a great-great-great-great-grandson of John Jehu Stokely. The material in the article is excerpted from John and Annie's House , a book that Mr. Lee self-published in 2011 about his ancestors and his experiences growing up in a little sawmill village (Nough officially, but usually referred to as "Slabtown") tucked back in the mountains in the eastern part of Cocke County.

        A photograph of Mr. Lee on the beach beneath the cliffs at Flamborough Head in June 2010 is attached below. Just behind him is Filey Bay, which was the scene of the encounter between John Paul Jones's Bon Homme Richard and Richard Pearson's Serapis in September of 1779.

        Mr. Lee, who is retired now after a career in the American intelligence community, lives with his wife near the Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland, where John Paul Jones is entombed. Comments on the material contained herein are welcome and may be addressed to Mr. Lee at

Robert Evan Lee